Open/Close Toolbox
Format: Text
Linked To
Collection
Copyright
Click to read the full Digital Collections copyright statement.
This work is protected by Copyright. All rights reserved. Access to this work is provided for the purposes of personal research and study. Except where permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, this work must not be copied or communicated to others without the express permission of the copyright owner.
OCR | |
 | [...]). M.ENV. SCI. A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Prehistoric and Historic Archaeology University of Sydney December 1999 |
| [...]thesis has taken over six years during which much of my work has been undertaken on weekends and in da[...]her help in getting me a job at the NSW Heritage Office, has encouraged me throughout the duration of my work by reading and discussing my work. Sam Mc[...]a good and supportive fi'iend in the last throes of the writing up. My supervisors at the University of Sydney, Judy Birmingham, Roland Fletcher (Prehist[...]ance. Special thanks for services beyond the call of duty go to Dr Aedeen Cremin and Dr Sarah Colley who read most of the second draft and were extremely helpful in ma[...]nd Sarah had been very encouraging and supportive of my work as well as helping with my caffeine addic[...]hanks to my colleagues and fellow students at the University of Sydney: Steph Moser, Pim Alison, Tracy Ireland, P[...]Carlyle Greenwall Bequest to support my work. The University kindly allowed me to use an airless, windowless office under the Library. I would also like to tha[...]Meg Stuart, assisted with constructing a database of conditional purchase records and bought me a replacement computer. State Records of NSW has kindly granted permission to publish thei[...]eries. Emily Hanna and her staff at the Kingswood Office for their cheerful demeanour in assis[...] |
| [...]the dc Salis diaries held at the National Library of Australia. I would like to thank the staff of the manuscripts section of the National Library of Australia for their assistance and for installing[...]rts they have collected on Lanyon. In the course of my research I have been fortunate to receive the assistance of the following people: Terry Kass, Grace Karskans,[...]Nigel Prickett, Neville Ritchie, and Mark Brown. Of course, Skerrick was her usual helpful self and provided hours of diversion. |
| [...]ies the cultural landscape concept to the history of squatting (sheep and cattle farming on Crown Land outside the limits of location) in South Eastern Australia to revisit the question of squatting and the land question in Australia. Using the techniques of historical archaeology as applied to cultural lan[...]and the landscape. Afler reviewing the history of the cultural landscape concept, the thesis proceeds along two lines of inquiry. Firstly, it discusses the history of squatting at the broad level seeking to understan[...]cted until 1911). Lanyon is studied as an example of pioneering and establishing squatting runs. Cuppacumbalong is studies as an example of maintaining the squatting run over a period of time against broad processes such as economic fl[...]d to late 18005 selection movement. The overview of the history of squatting (Chapters 3 & 4) argues that while the main driving force of squatting was the economics of the wool industry which in collision with the Colonial Government’s land policy produced the phenomena of wholesale illegal occupation of Crown Land across much of South-Eastem Australia. The settlement pattern created was driven by the occupation of grassy plains suitable for sheep farming. However[...]s structures and landscapes that were expressions of their respectability. This respectability aided them in their struggle for security and conversion of squatting runs into secure leasehold. This securi[...]ate to State but shared a general idealistic view of the economies of small farming and ignorance of the environment. Selection pitted the squatter and selector in a conflict to attain the same ideals of respectability and domesticity often on the same piece of land. This explains the often-ambiguous attitude of the squatter at times bitterly opposing selection[...]seeking accommodation with selectors. The nature of the conflict between squatter and selector was m[...]s and regulations and this gives rise to the form of the cultural landscape in many areas. Research into Lanyon resulted in a substantial review of the established view of Lanyon as a landscape of “captive labour” to one where evidence of coercion in the landscape does not exist. The owner of Lanyon at the time James Wright is shown to have[...]self on his squatting run at Cuppacumbalong (part of the Lanyon estate). |
| [...]to the de Salis family in 1855. Detailed analysis of the squatter/selector conflict is undertaken using the Conditional purchase records, the diary of George de Salis and the landscape itself. This shows how the patriarch of the family, the Hon Leopold Fane de Salis (MLC), husbanded his estate to create a freehold estate out of the squatting run. This was done by a mixture of using family and dummies to select important areas of the estate (the flats) which gave the family control of the most economically valuable parts ofof the various Crown Land Acts (which he as an MP wa[...]o “improve” the land. This involved erections of residences (huts), fencing and clearing. From the conditional purchase records, it is clear that the bulk of the improvements went into ring barking and clearing the land. Thus the creation of squatting landscape in this case was a complex interaction of the desires of the dc Salis’s to maintain their estate, the desires of selectors to create small farms, the Lands Acts a[...]oth the broad process that shaped the development of squatting and the individual responses to the pro[...]om historical cliches and to paint a rich picture of Australian history. |
| vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS II ABSTRACT Iv TABLE OF CONTENTS VI CHAPTER 1: THE SQUATTERS AND THE AUS[...]USTRALIA 101850: PIONEERING AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SQUATTOCRACY 34 Introduction 35 A pre[...] |
| Introduction of sheep to Australia Australian flocks Development of the Australian wool industry Expansion to the limits of location West of the Blue Mountains South West from Sydney Hunter Valley The Limits of Location The Squatting Occupation ofof Victoria The sanctioning of squatting The 18405 Struggle and Strife The Depression of 1841 The struggle against Governor Gipps The Consolidation of squatting Who were the Squatters? Capital Chara[...]ts Selection in Victoria The success or otherwise of selection The Pastoral Economy 39 39 41[...] |
| The 18905 Depression and the end of squatting Conclusion viii 129 130 CHAPTER[...], CUPPACUMBALONG AND THE CANBERRA REGION Choice of the study area Suitability of the study area Overview of runs in the area Environment Geology Climate So[...]Buildings, Structures and Landscape A landscape of captive labour? Boundaries Land uses and activities Patterns of spatial organisation Responses to the natu[...] |
| [...]Introduction The de Salis family Brief overview of runs held by de Salis Loss of the estate The de Salis Runs Run Boundaries over[...]undary Demarcations Circulation Networks Patterns of Spatial Organisation Defending the run/creating the Estate Exercising the Pre—Emptive Right The village of Tharwa “A spiteful neighbour” The de Salis selection strategy De Salis dummies Analysis of Conditional Purchase Series Peacocking Improvemen[...]t: 1 Barnes Creek Catchment 2: Murrumbidgee North of Tharwa Catchment 3: Sawyers Gully Catchment 4: Gu[...]r —West Bank Catchment 5: the Long Gully, south of Murrumbidgee Catchment 6: Reedy Creek Catchment 7: Catchments West of the Murrumbidgee 191 192 194 195 196[...] |
| Catchment 8 Catchment 9: East Side of the Gudgenby River and Naas River. Gray’s serie[...]: Naas Flat Catchment 13: Coolemon The Treachery of the Campbells Conclusion: Husbanding the de Salis Estate CHAPTER 9: CONCLUSION -THE LAND OF THE GOLDEN FLEECE Introduction Pioneering From s[...]E" IDEA APPENDIX Two: RESPECTABILITY AND THE CULT OF DOMESTICITY APPENDIX THREE: THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE AT LANYON AND QUEANBEYAN[...] |
| [...]ains are a distinguishing feature in the interior of New South Wales... The silence and solitude that[...]sed to enable any one to form a proper conception of them; no traces of the works of man are here to be met with, except perhaps the ashes of a fire on the banks of some river. ...nothing meets the eye of the traveller, with the exception of a few solitary Emus, to enliven the monotony of the dreary expanse. From the contemplation of this vacancy and solitude the mind recoils with w[...]herds, and enlivened by the presence and industry of civilised man.” James Atkinson 1826 INTRODUCT[...]ies. These people, termed “squatters” because of their method of land holdingz, formed the first wave of post-convict settlement beyond the Cumberland Pla[...]icence reluctantly issued by the Crown, held most of South-Eastem Australia. No doubt this form of title was intended to act in the normal legal sense of giving a non-exclusive permission to occupy Crown[...]ng runs3 could be bought and sold. In the decade of the 18405, the squatters vigorously campaigned to[...]s on the land. This point marked the entrenchment of the squatters in the physical, political and soci[...]to settle. Squatting runs physically took up much of the landscape ofof NSW and later the Victorian Legislature through p[...]for electors, which disenfranchised the majority of the population. In social circles, the squatters[...]he squatters occupied the land without permission of the Crown, the presumed owner. 3 In this t[...] |
| Following the gold rushes of the early 1850s, the land question emerged as one of the major political and social issues in Australia. The basic problem was that the increase of population in Australia caused by a huge immigration of gold diggers raised the question of where they might settle once the gold fields dec[...]quatter’s holdings and encourage the settlement of small farmers on the land to create a class of “yeoman farmers”. These small farmers were known as selectors and held land on a form of time payment from the Crown. Free Selection was t[...]ere a political power in the Legislative Councils of Parliament and had by this time become a de facto[...]sphere where, through Parliament, representatives of each view argued over the various pieces of land legislation and their administration. The se[...]egal and financial power and considerable powers of tenacity, to try to create or maintain farms and landed estates. In the process, many of the squatter’s runs became freehold lands altho[...]ters. Matters were not helped by the introduction of the rabbit from the 18605, massive and prolonged[...]in the marginal areas in the semi-arid west, much of which is still held on lease. The position of the squatters as pioneers was celebrated in vario[...]s Franklin and Steele Rudd all explore dimensions of squatting and selecting. It is with Stephen Roberts’s work that serious historical discussion of squatting begins. A History of Land Settlement in Australia (1924) which outline[...]ng Age in Australia (1935) which was an outgrowth of this earlier research, presented a romanticised view of squatting (cited as Roberts 1968 & 1974 respectiv[...]nt studies as the first serious historical study of squatting. Billis and Kenyon wrote a more romanticised history of squatting in Victoria with Pastures New (1930) and produced a summary history of squatting runs and squatters for Victoria in Pastoral Pioneers of Port Phillip (1932), still the standard reference[...]b). As well, Phillip Brown began his lengthy task of publishing all the correspondence from the Clyde[...]ng Victorian pastoral company, with the Narrative of George Russell in 1935 followed by the Cly[...] |
| Beginning in the 19505 a number of studies of squatting and related subjects began to be published. Most notable was Margaret Kiddle’s Men of Yesterday (1962) a social history of Western District squatters to whom Kiddle was rel[...]s a decided move away from the simple biographies of squatters and squatting families such as were pub[...]ray (1968). Kiddle’s work on the social history of squatting was never explicitly followed up, but s[...]ion in Bathurst (1993). Studies on the economics of the wool industry stimulated by Noel Butlin’s w[...]here was considerable discussion on the economics of the wool industry4 (rather than squatting) by aut[...]ll Ker (1961, 1962). However with the publication of Abbott’s The Pastoral Age in 1971 debate and re[...]much under-rated research theme was the question of land utilisation and government policy, which alt[...]Powell then moved his interests into the question of land utilisation and environmental history (1975)[...]Powell and Hancock established the research theme of human impact on the environment, now popular wit[...]all it can be said that although no local history of South-Eastem Australia (outside the original 19 counties of New South Wales) can be said to be complete without a mention of squatting, selecting and the land debate, these t[...]history more to their taste. This means that many of the new modes of historical discourse have not been applied to the history of squatting. That history has therefore remained co[...]ich seem rather to have stalled. Yet, the ghosts of squatting stalk the fields of contemporary Australian society. When politicians[...]ime Minister) and Alexander Downer (former Leader of the Opposition) are dismissed as “squatters”,[...]the squatter speaks for privilege and the status of a ruling class. 4 There was also a line of research into the origins of the merino and sheep in general. |
| [...]es about Aboriginal land rights there is the echo of previous attempts to change the nature of pastoral holdings to reduce the squatters power. Furthermore the current system of rural land tenure emerged from the land debates of the nineteenth century. TAKING A LANDSCAPE APPRO[...]scape analysis aims to understand: 0 the process of firstly transforming the Aboriginal cultural landscape into the squatting landscape. 0 the transformation of the squatter into the squattocracy. 0 And to see[...]was played out on the landscape. In the process of undertaking this study, it is also hoped to reunite some of the separate strands of squatting research. Land policy for example was not just some abstract notion. It was underpinned by notions of social and economic status that had a direct interaction with the landscape of South-Eastem Australia. The policy can be underst[...]be related back to the land debates and contexts of social and economic status. While some of the information used in this thesis, particularly[...]on a broad stage where they are seen in a variety of roles: as pioneering heroes, as rampant capitalis[...]“Whig view” and the “Black Armband view” of the past to flourish. On the other hand landsca[...]rly well situated in social and economic contexts of the time. Discussions of particular landscapes often ignore the context in[...]. In particular, there seems little understanding of how land legislation acted to control the shape of a landscape and of the contexts in which the legislation was developed and applied. The lack of context in studies of individual landscapes allows |
| [...]aking a landscape approach forces the examination of abstract notions such as “squatters as rampant capitalists” in the context of actual physical evidence, the cultural landscapes[...]a broader context for a particular manifestation of squatting behaviour such as taking up a piece of land rather than focus on an individual squatter’s behaviour. The potential of landscape research for the study of squatting was noted in the first major statement[...]evealed in settlement pattern is a promising area of study” (1983112). Despite this call historical[...]g in Australia has been limited to the early work of Connah in New England (1977, 1983 and Connah et a[...]ks by Cannon on woolsheds in the Western Division of NSW (1992) and Woodhouse on Holowiliena Station (1993). This paucity of work is attributable to the disciplinary focus on[...]on landscape it should be noted that the research of Joe Powell, a historical geographer with an obvio[...]kground, is important for documenting the working of the land laws in Victoria (1970, 1973). His work was followed by that of Ray Wright on the workings of the Victoria Lands Department (1989). Both Powell and Wright focus on the workings of the land laws and the individuals involved and de[...]ortant in providing an understanding the workings of the land law in Victoria and it is puzzling that[...]squatting this thesis is not only addressing one of the oldest research themes in the study of Australia’s past, but it is also trying to deve[...]cal evidence (1'. e. the squatters’ landscapes) of the past to speak as strongly about the past as the documentary evidence. This does not mean that one line of evidence is to have priority over another but that all lines of evidence are to be considered. The approach to t[...]pproach” which aims to look at material aspects of squatting as forming a cultural landscape (see Ch[...]pproach rather than the more traditional approach of excavation is that there seemed to be no compelli[...]uld be solved solely by excavation. The formation of a squatting run and the development of architecture and spatial arrangements rela[...] |
| [...]dence is abundantly available because large areas of South-Eastem Australia remain as sheep and cattle runs retaining evidence of the squatting era. In Western Victoria for example there are a number of runs that retain evidence of the original squatting settlement and subsequent[...]y collide and gives full reign to the exploration of research in many fields. The rationale for taking this approach is to use the detailed study of the landscape to anchor the abstract notions of squatting to overcome the problems with previous[...]es are used as an organising tool to set a series of issues that the research in the thesis will addre[...]discussed below. Pioneering The general spirit of the histories written about squatting particularly of the early squatters is of heroic times. “The brave pioneers hewing a farm out of the bush” myth. The challenge in researching sq[...]inal cultural landscape, which after various acts of dispersion was claimed as the squatter’s own. The study of Aboriginal/squatter relations has been the subject of a number of historical studies including Milliss’ magisteri[...]79). We are also fortunate in having the journals of George Augustus Robinson, Protector of Aborigines in Victoria, in a published form which[...]5 This claim is based on the authors experience of over fifteen years of archaeological fieldwork in South—Easte[...] |
| [...]considered decision that involved considerations of the environment, economics, government policy, an[...]ally acknowledged). How long the pioneering phase of squatting persisted and what effect on the landscape the pioneering phase of settlement had, are two important questions to be developed. Before the beginning of squatting expansion, farming in South-Eastem Aust[...]. This suited both the need for food and the mode of production — namely the use of convict labour. The expansion into sheep and cattle grazing required a more dispersed form of settlement and either a “free” workforce or a new form of relations between the convict and his overseer an[...]resumably, these changes also required a new form of settlement or adaptation of existing settlement patterns in the landscape. F[...]e established squattocracy is about the processes of gaining and maintaining possession of land as well as gaining and maintaining social status. This process is epitomised in the transformation of the squatter (a word that even today remains slig[...]racy but also denies that meaning by the coupling of squatter.6 How did the squatters rise from very[...]Kenyon for example emphasised the good character of the squatters in terms reminiscent of Samuel Smiles’s Self Help. Earnest Scott saw their rise as a natural consequence of the absence of a land policy (1927). Roberts pointed to the irresistible economic force of the successful wool industry which once having ga[...]nning Clark argued that squatting was the product of British emigrants who aspired to the life of the landed Gentry and moved into the seemingly unoccupied interior in search of land that could make their fortunes (see 1973:85-[...]ll saw squatting as being driven by the economics of the pastoral interest but that the actual settlement pattern derived from a three way dialectic between official land policy, popular practice in the fiel[...]972) ° I am not sure whether this is an example of Australia’s cultural cringe (true aristo[...] |
| were much more focused on the details of the squatters and selectors and on the question of the success or otherwise of selection. In my view the answers already provid[...]tocracy and maintaining that position in the face of selection was as much a social as an economic tra[...]e term improvement was used to describe a raising of ones social and economic condition. In other words, there was a link between the social and moral concept of improvement and the material expression of improvement in the form of goods and landscapes. The essential element in the establishment of squatters was respectability, which allowed squat[...]s now “improved land”, populated by “men” of “good character”. The official argument for giving squatters some form of right to purchase land was expressed in terms of the land being a force for social and moral improvement. The squatting landscape was an integral part of this social transformation, a point overlooked by[...]on political and economic factors. The evidence of respectability is expressed through adherence to the Victorian era cult of domesticity. The material evidence for this is ob[...]spatial scales. Notably, there is the expression of respectability through various etiquette performances at social events. Manner of dress and speech are other signs of respectability. These can be considered as occurring at a personal scale. There is also the broader aspect of how a person lives their life, particularly their[...]In Mansfield Park Jane Austen paints the picture of a family lead morally astray by the lack of a firm grip by the head of the household and this is expressed in part throu[...]he living fence was more than an inherited symbol of wealth status and enlightenment. Caleb Kirk and other gentleman farmers firmly believed that the appearance of a farm fence indicated the virtue of the farmer who constructed it” (1984:352). Thus[...]nce was a symbol referring to the moral qualities of the owner. An unkempt fence clearly reflected the moral qualities of the owner (see also the discussion in Davidoff and Hall 1987:370-375). Thus at the scale of the landscape, the moral values of respectability were felt to have a physical expression in the homes and estates of people. An unkempt fence or disorganised estate were symbols of the moral decline or lack of respectability in a family or individual. Convers[...]dered estate reflected the respectable qualities of the owner as well as the owner’s affluence. The notion of improvement was another important value. “Impro[...]dle Ages referring to the profitable cultivation of land. There was a moral imperative to impr[...] |
| [...]by Samuel Smile’s “Self Help”, a catalogue of the virtues of improvement. Similarly, the notion of improvement was an important aspect of landscape gardening particularly through the works of Capability Brown and later Humphrey Repton. In the nineteenth century the notion of improvement covered the landscapes of the upper class to the middle class and to the colonies, the rendering of land more profitable by various works, to the notions of moral and spiritual improvement.7 In particular, Australia was often considered to be greatly in need of improvement in all areas: spiritually, morally, a[...]l culture was not considered important, the whole of Australia was considered ripe for improvement, that is bringing the land into production, the creation of productive estates as the quotation from James Atkinson at the start of this chapter expresses. Again, there is a tie into the values of respectability as improvement encompasses the values of utility, thrift, seriousness, enthusiasm, and so[...]I use the term husbandry to denote the management of an estate and family. It includes the concept of improvement, for the duty of the head of a family was to improve both the estate and his a[...]y has an appeal as a term denoting the management of an estate or farm and a family. The squatter-squa[...]ough taking a landscape approach to the husbandry of estates. A well husbanded estate was seen to be a mark of one’s social status. This material link between[...]is important in understanding the transformation of the squatter to the squattocracy and in the squattocracy’s maintenance of their position in the face of selection. From the above discussion, the link b[...]uatting landscape and the moral and social status of the squatter should be clear. Furthermore it was[...]eded to husband the run as well. Thus, the making of a squatter was intertwined with the making of a squatting landscape. Selecting Ironically, respectability and related Victorian values of domesticity were also used to conjure the vision of the yeoman farmer productively established on his[...]e on the land and improve it as well. This vision of domesticity was also shared with the squatter who[...]ction movement they have been limited by the lack of access to the detailed records of selection, making detailed study difficult. Sele[...]were largely held in the various Lands Department Offices until the 19905 when they began to be depos[...]the records were established. This thesis is one of the first to use these records although it seems[...]onditional Purchase Registers (a brief discussion of these records is presented in the following chapter). 7 There was also the notion of “improvements" referring to the actual works that contributed to the “improvement" of a piece of land. 3 As a reading of the many books on visits to colonial Austr[...] |
| [...]Victoria, the Western District has been the focus of Powell’s detailed work, in NSW the Riverina has[...]England (Ferry 1990, 1995, 1996). As the majority of the historical work that discusses this issue has[...]ndscapes in detail to help understand the process of selection. In particular the relative strategies of the selector and the squatter can be examined. In[...]imension missing from current historical accounts of selecting. CONCLUSION This thesis revisits the theme of squatters and the land question in Australia. It[...]o re-examine squatting but to use the perspective of historical archaeology to analyse squatting lands[...]hasis in the analysis is on the use and interplay of historical and landscape data to understand the p[...]his, it is intended to build up the understanding of the context in which individual case studies ill[...]research themes can be developed. The structure of the thesis is as follows. To begin with, the concept of cultural landscapes and landscape archaeology ar[...]ers looking at squatting on the very broad canvas of South-Eastem Australia follow this. These chapter[...]ed in creating squatting landscape in the context of the themes, developing regional trends and patter[...]anding the processes that underpin the production of cultural landscapes is important to provide the context for understanding the individual manifestation of a squatting landscape. There follow three chapte[...]studies at a local level give specific examples of the development of squatting landscapes and show how the broader tre[...]d the landscape. Lanyon is studied as an example of a pioneering squatting run demonstrating in the landscape the process of pioneering settlement and the relations be[...] |
| 13 and his workers. James Wright, the owner of Lanyon is of interest because he was not really a successfiJl[...]blished squatting run and looks at how the owners of the run, the de Salis family and in particular th[...]ape. Finally, the work is concluded by a summary of the three research themes and reviews the[...] |
| INTRODUCTION In the study of landscapes, the concept of “cultural landscapes” is the primary proposit[...]scape is held to be created or formed by a number of human induced processes interacting over time wit[...]ullied by human interaction. However, the concept of cultural landscapes has not been a static intelle[...]. Therefore it is important to review the concept of cultural landscapes and the methodology for "rea[...]gical landscape as a background to the main focus of this thesis. The first and most daunting task i[...]on "culture"). Trying to review the whole corpus of literature would be the work of a lifetime. This review is therefore going to tak[...]sis. Due to space considerations, the first part of the review is presented as Appendix One. Appendix[...]came from and how it developed. The second part of the review is presented in this Chapter and begins with a brief review of the use of the landscape concept in archaeology concluding with a discussion of some specific examples from historical archaeology. This is followed by a review of the use of the cultural landscape concept in Australia. Fina[...]The review is focused on the disciplinary field of geography, simply because of its concern with space and landscape. That it cou[...]with Ruskin's Modem Painters indicates something of the diversity of the topic and the difficulty in deciding what is[...]close ties across the two disciplines; thus many of the developments in geographical techniques and u[...]rked in both areas, while the “New Geography” of the 19605 was enthusiastically embraced by archae[...]raphy and archaeology therefore share a tradition of common interest in cultural landscapes. GEOGRAPH[...]LTURAL LANDSCAPE There has been a long tradition of archaeological involvement in cultural landscape studies and geography. In British archaeology, the work of Cyril Fox is considered important in establishing the study of settlement patterns, although his work was really a series of distribution maps tracing various items of material culture across the landscape. In his major work on the archaeology of the Cambridge region, these maps were clas[...] |
| 16 in terms of culture groups. By comparing the evidence Fox was able to argue that the geological structure of the Cambridge region was the dominant factor in d[...]settlement. Fox saw that there were primary areas of settlement, which he considered had been continually settled since the Neolithic, and secondary areas of settlement which were dependent on a certain level of civilisation being reached (1923:313-314). Fox went on to develop this approach in his Personality of Britain (1932) which Carl Sauer saw as a model of geographical writing (Williams,1983:9- 10) Graha[...]n the Mesolithic in Britain showed the influence of Fox’s work. Clark defined archaeology as “the study of past distribution of culture-traits in time and space, and of the factors governing their distribution” (1933).Clark’s thesis used a mixture of typological analysis and distribution maps (Smith[...]ner that is similar to the morphological analysis of cultural landscapes advocated by Sauer. Clark’s review of Fox’s Personality of Britain was to some extent quite critical mainly[...](Clark 1933). The other important work was that of Willey in the Viru valley, Peru. Although conceiv[...]research has been associated with Willey’s use of the concept of settlement pattern in archaeology (e. g.Trigger 1[...]ir arrangement, and to the nature and disposition of other buildings pertaining to community life. These settlements reflect the natural environment, the level of technology on which the builders operated, and the various institutions of social interaction and control, which the culture[...]starting point for the functional interpretation of archaeological cultures” (1953: 1). In many wa[...]s work share similar assumptions about the nature of culture and its relationship with the environment. Willey’s work also fits into the methodology of Cultural Geography of the time using archaeological rather than geographical terms. For example, the work of Kniffen on Louisiana house types is very similar[...]adopted the morphological approach as well. Part of the similarity is explained by the fact that both[...]and geography drew on the anthropological theory of the time for their conceptions of culture. No doubt this is why Carl Sauer was so e[...]rn studies while sometimes operating on the scale of landscape analysis, are not necessarily landscape[...]e. Trigger, for example, identified three levels of settlement analysis; the individual structure, the settlement and settlement distributions, of which only the final level involved the landscap[...]as being “natural”. In contrast, the concept of |
| cultural landscape sees the landscape as a patterned result of cultural process interacting in some way with the natural elements in the landscape. With the development of the “New Archaeology” in the 19605, archaeologists began to discard their previous approaches in favour of a positivist or processual approach based on a sc[...]cational analysis typified by Renfrew’s review of Locational Analysis in Human Geography and Models[...]70s there was speculation that the second edition of Locational Analysis might revolutionise archaeolo[...]tivist position (Green and Haselgrove 1978). One of the archaeological responses to the new locational geography was to adopt some of its methodologies. One of the offspring was site catchment analysis. Devise[...]time from the site. Although the concept is full of assumptions, it at least provides a basis for com[...]ndscape. In one sense, a site catchment is a form of cultural landscape although the degree to which i[...]ing the late 19605 there was an increasing number of settlement pattern studies, although there was so[...]sh ‘settlement archaeology” as a sub—field of archaeology (Chang, 1968; Rouse 1967; Trigger 1967). Settlement pattern studies followed Willey’s concept of settlement pattern and its relationship with the landscape. What did change was the adoption of the general systems approach, an increased integration of ecological and environmental data and models and the use of computer based statistics and models (often called cultural ecology). The most perceptive of these studies is Flannery’s edited volume The Early Mesoamerican Village (1976) in which the methods of analysis are carefully discussed and evaluated. As a consequence of the need for environmental data, more interdiscip[...]ronically, this was lead by Ian Hodder, co-author of a very positivist work Spatial Analysis in Archae[...]sly influenced by the new geography. In a series of books and papers Hodder and his students, notably[...]aches to archaeology generally through the field of cultural studies. This produced a predictable clash between the mainly American based supporters of |
| [...]ective, this debate did not focus on the question of landscape but on other issues. This was because u[...]pt was not central to archaeology. A good example of the contrast in focus between human geography and[...]plines there seems to have been little in the way of cross fertilisation between them. This View is b[...]y. The irony is that the only detailed discussion of Marxist/Post-modernist approaches in geography oc[...]aeology (long considered the theoretical dinosaur of archaeology) rather than in Ian Hodder’s chapte[...]e Wagstaff 1987). Interestingly, the definition of landscape in the Collins Dictionary of Archaeology (Bahn 1992) is “the collection of landforms particular to a region at a particular time”. Landform is defined as “a configuration of the earth’s surface created by a distinct erosional or depositional process or set of processes”. There is no listing for cultural landscape. Clearly the “authorised” version of landscape sees landscape purely in a geomorphological sense with no involvement of humans at all. Human activity occurs on landscape[...]ive text. The general problem seems to be a lack of interest in what is being said on the other side of the disciplinary fence. Yet human geography and a[...]he post-modem challenge, to move to richer levels of meanings and interpretations and to deal with the legacy of positivism. But whereas with the positivist movement of the 1960s at least the archaeologists were readin[...]ee Gamble 1987:228-229). There is little evidence of a dialogue on areas of mutual interest. It is to be regretted that Wagne[...]cultural geographers focus on the social creation of landscapes of more relevance. A specific field of archaeology called Landscape Archaeology has emer[...]d to be another name for the archaeological study of settlement patterns with little attempt to go beyond description and limited conceptualisation of the concept of landscape (e.g.the papers in Reeves-Smyth and Ham[...]en seen by reviewers as the most advanced example of landscape archaeology (1995). It is 9 The[...] |
| certainly a text that reports on a great project, that of understanding the forces that shaped the Bifemo Valley over time. Barker adopted the research orientation ofof integrating and understanding. The last 500 years[...]nd its evolution” is exactly the same splitting of the natural and cultural that occurs in most trad[...]been occupied for 730,000 years yet the processes of human activity are discussed in two pages, thin d[...]kdrop providing constraints and opportunities and of course changing, but the emphasis is on the settl[...]dialectical relations between human acts and acts of nature, made manifest in the landscape” (Crumle[...]finition is “a heterogenous land area composed of a cluster of interacting ecosystems that is repeated in simila[...]986:8-1 l) and this seems to be the general usage of the term (see Naveh and Liberman 1994 who actuall[...]g and Tangway 1997). The underlying principal is of course that of the “system” or system theory so beloved of the processual archaeologists and geographers of the 19603. By adopting this approach, the landsca[...]ns included (Ludwig et al. 1997 is a good example of this method). However the actual involvement of humans, either individually or collectively, is masked by the use of terms such as “culture” or “human impact” which act to cover up the actual details of what is thought to have occurred and precludes a detailed understanding. These are, of course, familiar and long standing criticisms of the systems approach, however landscape ecologists seem curiously unaware of such criticisms. For example the book by Naveh an[...]the papers in Crumley (1994) seem much more aware ofof the ecological paradigm is ignored as the authors apparently have not discovered one word of doubt about the applicability of the systems approach to humans. ' Assuming of course the authors had bothered to read an[...] |
| 20 that Crumley seems to see historical ecology as a way of charting the future course of “global action” (1994:8) and yet adopts a met[...]approach is not particularly different from that of landscape archaeology, as a comparison between Barker’s work in the Bifemo valley (1995) and the work of Crumley and Marquardt (1987) in the Burgundian la[...]taken by Christopher Tilley in his Phenomenology of Landscape, which is both an approach to landscape analysis and an analysis of the relationships between populations and the lan[...]thern England (1994). Tilley is well known as one of the archaeologists arguing for a post-processual[...]d to some degree he has an equivalent role to one of the new cultural geographers. Tilley is also occupying similar intellectual territory with his rejection of positivist notions of space and spatial analysis (1994:8-10). Tilley ar[...]ticular settings for involvement and the creation of meanings" (1994:11). Adopting the phenomenological approach of the “humanistic” geographers and especially Relph’s concept of place Tilley defines the concept of “locales” which are “places created and kno[...](1994218). Locales occur within a broader context of cultural and natural landscapes. Tilley wants his usage of the term landscape to refer to “the physical and visual form of the earth as an environment and as a setting in w[...]eated, reproduced and transformed. The appearance of a landscape is something that is substantial and capable of being described in terms of relief, topography... and so on” (1994:25). Til[...]sed to natural features) “draw on the qualities of landscape to create part of their significance for those who use them, and the perception of the landscape itself may be fundamentally affected by the very situatedness of these locales” (1994:26). “A landscape has on[...]nts to the fundamental way naming, or the process of creating places, creates both localities and landscapes . The act of naming (or place making) transforms the physical[...]19). The individual can then draw on their stocks of knowledge to give meaning, assurance and signifi[...]s. “The place acts dialectally to create people of that place,” by this Tilley seems to mean that[...]As an aside, he also mentions that the experience of these places is unlikely to be shared and experienced equally and the understanding and use of places can be controlled and exploited in systems of domination (1994227). |
| 21 Once places are named then the experience of living creates both individual and social memorie[...]iliar place becomes bound up in their experiences of similar places. Moving through a landscape is soc[...]g to a right way to do things. An obvious example of this is Australian farm gate etiquette, although Tilley uses the example of Gabbra camel herders. Movement through the landscape involves drawing on memories of moving through locales and landscapes and applyin[...]fier discussing de Certeau’s (1984) discussion of the art of walking in which de Certeau drew a detailed analo[...]eech, Tilley defines the path as the inscription of the pedestrian speech act onto the landscape (1994230). A journey through a landscape on a path is one of constantly changing the tactile world. To explain[...]ked about, recounted or inscribed. In the process of moving, the landscape unfolds to the observer. Places are appreciated as part of the moving to and away from. “If places are rea[...]each other and through serial movement along axes of paths it follows that an art of understanding of place movement and landscape must fundamentally be a narrative involving a presencing of previous experiences in present contexts” (1994[...]illey is explicit about confining his perception of landscape to small-scale “traditional landscapes” it seems on the basis of historical evidence that similar processes of naming of locales and linking these with paths (is the social creation of landscapes) occurs within capitalist societies as a form of humanising the economic landscape (in fact de Cer[...]n city). Relph decried placelessness as a product of capitalism but he did not argue that there were no places in capitalist society. Aspects of Tilley’s approach to moving through the landsca[...]rtant. Cullen is obviously in love with the drama of the city and aims to encourage the production of exciting urban form. He developed a concept calle[...]rough a town at a uniform speed, then the scenery of the town is often revealed in a series of jerks or revelations which add drama to the event[...]ool for investigating the three dimensional space of a landscape. Tilley's musings on the Welsh lands[...]roach (1998) while Fleming, in the Oxford Journal of Archaeology (1999) argues that the field data us[...]th views seem to have merit, it is also a measure of the interest in Tilley’s work that he sh[...] |
| [...]r cursed depending on your view) with an increase of landscape studies based on Geographical Informati[...]rices and thus becoming cheaper to use. For those of us who can remember the statistics boom in archae[...]publication, GIS threatens the same problem: lack of consideration of the fundamental principals of the technique. It is a relief to read Llobera’s[...]e landscape approach as Tilley and uses the power of GIS to answer questions relating to process in th[...]icular Llobera shows how GIS can look at question of visibility of places and to places also a theme of Tilley’s study. Although a preliminary study, this is an important paper in demonstrating the potential of GIS in landscape studies and the care with which[...]applied. To conclude a rather brief run through of archaeological approaches to landscape, a split i[...]s later codified under the rather too broad term of landscape archaeology (see for example the papers[...]ich sees gardens as landscapes, which in the case of individuals, such as “Capability Brown” or Hu[...]ing as others would see gardens more in the scale of places within a landscape rather than as landscapes themselves. One of the most influential of the more recent archaeological studies of landscape has been the work of Mark Leone (and his students) on the gardens and city of Annapolis, U.S.A. (Leone 1987, 1988). Leone's wor[...]re he reviewed various approaches to the question of recovering mind. Leone is enthusiastic about using materialist (or Marxist) concepts of ideology and the methods of critical self-reflection to recover mind. He particularly places this form of analysis in the arena of historical archaeology as both the present and th[...]deologies. Leone's later work undertaken as part of the Archaeology in Annapolis Project developed th[...]case the garden, and society through the concept of ideology. Ideology (following Althusser) i[...] |
| Afier discussing the work of Rhys Isaac to provide a context, Leone argues tha[...]and politics and that it did so by using concepts of nature (through measurement and classification)[...]cing symbols or referents to antiquity at the end of some vistas). This served to mask the contradiction of a person, who was a slave owner, proclaiming his belief in individual liberty. The gist of Leone’s argument was later expanded to cover co[...](Leone and Shackel 1990) as well as other aspects of material behaviour (Leone 1988) and in his most[...]cal approach to landscape that makes Leone's work of interest to other archaeologists, as well as having obvious parallels to Cosgrove's work on the history of the landscape concept and on Venice and to Daniel[...]tect Humphrey Repton. Nothing is more symptomatic of the gulf between human geography and archaeology than having parallel lines of research in each discipline without apparent (at[...]termined from the published literature) awareness of each other. This does not mean that Leone's posi[...]admitted that in this paper he pushed the concept of ideology to its absolute limit and one might question his use of Althusser in light of the critique of Althusser’s work by ER Thompson and others. His[...]oncerned. The papers in the “landscape issue” of Historical Archaeology vol.23(1) are mainly conce[...]hasn’t historical archaeology been in some sort of crisis?) because of it’s lack of interest in theory,'2 Orser adopts an approach called “mutualism” which forms a key of his research program for historical archaeology. Mutualism focuses on the individual and their web or net of social relations (1996:21-22, 32-33) rather than abstract notions of “culture” or “society”. While the abandonment of culture seems not to be such a bad thing, especia[...]per organic view Orser is rejecting, the adoption ofof mutuality” l2In fact Orser in his discussion of historical archaeology has ignored the use of theory by such leading figures in the dis[...] |
| (1996:137), by this he is referring to the use of the super-organic view of culture (allegedly by Deetz). In Orser’s view l[...]nstrate his approach Orser analyses the landscape of Gorttoose in Ireland but curiously what is presen[...]pressed in the landscape, apart from the building of the odd wall. Thus to a large degree this new app[...]ny new insights. A recently published collection of essays on historical archaeological landscape stu[...]ing symbolic meaning in the landscape and the use of the hermeneutic method in a “dialogue with the[...]ultural geography (despite supporting the mapping of cultural traits - very much part of the old school) arguing that both come from a com[...]19962xv). The papers are a powerful demonstration of the historical archaeological method that uses bo[...]eology, as in cultural geography, the combination of using informed reading of documentary evidence and the analysis of landscapes and their elements seems to be particu[...]to addressing social and cultural interpretations of the past. The main strength of this approach is the ability to establish the context of both documentary evidence and landscape evidence[...]and its contexts to move towards an understanding of the past. CULTURAL LANDSCAPE STUDIES IN AUSTRALIA It is also important in this review to consider the use of the cultural landscape concept in Australia in order to situate this thesis in the context of such studies. The first use of the term “cultural landscape” in Australia wa[...]is presidential address to the Geographic Section of the ANZAAS Conference at the University of Sydney in 1956. Spate, a former student of HO Darby, began by firing a salvo at the “this[...]short on documentation, he sketched out the theme of the history of Australia’s cultural landscapes since the arrival of the first fleet (19561177). The cultural lands[...]the urban. He then invited his audience to think of the pre-contact landscape as “a continent with no straight lines” (19562178). Then to think of Australia in the present day (i. e. 1956) with th[...]e points to the widespread and uncompromising use of the grid in Australia. Similarly the ubiquity of corrugated iron is stressed “it has not only been perhaps the most prominent feature of the cultural landscape, but also a very ma[...] |
| [...]s. Spate notes the individual “personalities” of the capital cities, Sydney’s brashness; Melboume’s Victorian exuberance; Adelaide’s dignity and so on. After having a go at the s[...]es the rural settlements rather than the patterns of rural landscapes created by rural industries. The important impression of the rural landscape is one of space. One of the points Spate makes about the cultural landsca[...]landscape (in particular the buildings) in terms of its origin, the genetic approach. Spate would beg[...]g the “fossils”, noting “there is much more of archaeological interest in Australia than we often think” (1956: l 81), an early appreciation of historical archaeology. “In any case, since temporal and spatial variations go hand in hand, the study of settlement patterns is essential to an understanding both of Australian geography and of Australian history” (19562183) Spate’s view of the cultural landscape seems particularly grounded in the notion of cultural landscapes as a settlement pattern. For example in his discussion of precontract and 1956 landscapes he emphasises two[...]a as Human Setting (Rapoport 1972). Rose’s view of what a cultural landscape might be was similar to[...]tural groups and culture without much explanation of their meaning. Rose’s analysis was morphologica[...]uropean” when he claimed the volcanic explosion of European energies during a brief two centuries of time “has swept aside, ignored or obliterated the features of earliest human settlement in this land” (1972:59— 60). An influential case study of an Australian landscape was George Seddon’s Swan River Landscapes (1970). Seddon advocated the cause of conserving not only the bush but also the cultura[...]landscapes, which have been modified by the hand of man and divided them into transformational and Ac[...]transformational landscapes are where the “hand of man” is evident, Acadian is where it is conceal[...]ithin each division. Despite the evocative nature of the text and illustrations Seddon was operating in the mode of morphological analysis and clearly had a super—organic view of culture. Calder in “Beyond the View”, which attempted to introduce the technical components of landscape analysis to the general public, defined[...]and assessed by investigation and by measurement of its component parts; at the other extreme it focu[...]ed, although their relationships to other details of the area under investigation |
| [...]s (Jeans 1984) seem content to avoid the question of what a historical landscape might be in favour of excellent description and photography. This adoption of the morphological approach is not surprising given the obvious influence of the works of Sauer and Hoskins. The uncritical adoption of the morphological view of cultural landscapes is evident in most of the Australian literature on the subject. Despite some periods of debate on the concept of cultural landscapes, there has been little discussion on its theoretical underpinning. The contribution of the CSIRO’s Division of Land Research should not be overlooked in this discussion. By the late 19505 they had derived the concept of land systems which was a method of integrating a board range of environmental factors into units of land systems that shared important characteristics. A land system unit did not stop at the surface of the earth but included the underlying geology and[...]s the climate above (see Christian 1958). Studies of land capability and land-use notably those undert[...]is Jeans and historian Ian Jack, all based at the University of Sydney. The collaboration was developed in the context of the archaeology department’s refusal to teach h[...]These books were very much guides to the remains of specific industries and based on the concept of “occupance” introduced by Jeans. “Occupance[...]rises not only the production plant but the range of artefacts needed to support it. Any centre of specialist industry presupposes a complete landscape of artefacts organised to support that industry” (Birmingham. Jeans and Jack 197928). One of the great disappointments of these works is that having got an interdisciplina[...]echnological history aspect rather than landscape of occupance. Two more substantive studies o[...] |
| 27 undertook research in the Lanyon-Lambrigg area of the Australian Capital Territory ( 1987a, 1987b)[...]s work focuses on the assessment and preservation of cultural landscapes which he sees as rural landscapes. There was however little discussion of what a cultural landscape was, Russell by default, adopting the view of authors such as Melnick which ultimately means he uncritically adopts the morphological approach of the American cultural geographers. Ironically, in a subsequent article, Russell advocates the role of cultural landscapes in “accessing the richness of culture’s past” (1993237) however such an approach remains limited by Russell’s conception of the landscape. Taylor’s work combined both ind[...]s as well as practical work on landscapes as part of a team. Taylor drew upon the work on identifying[...]1984 see also 1987). Although written in the form of a manual for recording landscapes, rather than as[...]w on the standard cultural geographer’s concept of a landscape (see Melnick 1987). Taylor was also influenced by Menig’s Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes in particular the papers of Lewis and Menig as well as Menig’s assessment of the works of Hoskins and J. B. Jackson (Menig’s work is disc[...], the Australian Heritage Commission ran a series of seminars on issues to do with identifying and reg[...]erated by the seminars15 lead to the organisation of a conference on cultural landscapes by ICOMOS Aus[...], it seems that there was a remarkable uniformity of definition concerning what cultural landscapes were and how to preserve them. This reflects the influence of the previous seminars and the understandably utilitarian approach of heritage practitioners in adopting the available methodology of Melnick (see Armstrong and Truscott 1989; Blair a[...]ublished which both advocate the similar concepts of landscape although the actual definition of the concept is not pursued in depth (McCann 1993,[...]little attempt to go beyond the surface recording of landscape morphology and look at the landscape in[...]s at work. All this is rather ironic, as the work of landscape recording is occurring in the context of the social and political struggle to get signific[...]n at this time was McConville‘s landscape study of the Berry Deep Leads in Central Victoria which was intended as a demonstration of how to study a landscape. He presented his study to a seminar at the National Trust of Victoria. McConville took the View that landscape[...]e mainly interesting in their detailed discussion of individual landscapes or items within the landsc[...]n apparently interested in broadening the concept of landscape (Stuart 1997). |
| [...]in Nga Uruoa (1995) presents a similar discussion of landscape, ecology, and history for New Zealand,[...]tanding past landscapes. To summarise, the study of cultural landscapes in Australia has uncritically adopted the morphological approach of Sauer and Hoskins, in particular as filtered through the work of Melnick on rural landscape assessment for the US National Parks Service. The lack of critical awareness has not resulted in any partic[...]rphological approach is suitable for the purposes of heritage management. However as has been argued e[...]approach needs to be taken. Returning to the aim of the thesis, that of understanding squatting landscapes, the review of cultural landscape studies suggests that adoption of a purely morphological approach is entirely practical, in that surviving elements of the squatting landscape could be identified and recorded. Indeed some of this work has been done for example by Cannon (19[...]an (1980, 1982). However, if deeper understanding of the squatting and squatting landscapes is the aim[...]urface evidence rather than revealing the process of change over time. Approaches to understanding ch[...]ne. These approaches offer a deeper understanding of landscape through consideration of social and cultural factors and processes such as[...]n and adopt a broadly hermeneutic method as a way of reaching a deeper understanding and interpretation of the landscape. In a sense, they aim to focus on b[...]ing this view as providing a deeper understanding of the past. There is no right methodology for landscape studies - only a choice of alternatives which can be best used as part of an hermeneutic approach to landscapes, in which each altemative is used to give a differing perspective of the central issue. This is not to say that anythi[...]early if one is aiming for a deeper understanding of the past, then there is a need for usual tools of landscape analysis such as identification, descr[...]' an important need to understand how the methods of landscape analysis structure and control the resu[...]ic one. The aim is to examine the research themes of “pioneering”. “from squatter to squattocrac[...]help form the landscape and the broad environment of South-Eastem Australia can be examined. Specific analysis ofof a pioneering squatting landscape and the t[...] |
| [...]r husbanding his run and dealing with the process of selection on the run. These case studies aim to[...]pe at the local level. METHODOLOGY The analysis of landscapes used in the case studies has been undertaken by adapting the methodology of Keller and Keller (1987), Melnick (1984, 1987) and McClelland et a1. (1990) to the demands of the research project. The three works are compati[...]ogy, although orientated towards the requirements of the US. National Parks Service, is a useful metho[...]ion about a landscape. It is based on the concept of landscape characteristics which are "tangible evidence of the activities and habits of the people who occupied, developed, used, and sha[...]s are identified and recorded as a static record of the cultural landscape. The way to change this st[...]eristics and the landscape wholistically in terms of the research themes outlined earlier. A processua[...]ndertake this by moulding the discussion in terms of a testable hypothesis which the evaluation of these landscape characteristics could test. This[...]uld only work if the characteristics were capable of only simple causal relationships and indeed this[...]tools or faunal studies where the characteristics of the material studied is governed by simple physic[...]t is rich in explanation and interpretation, many of which may be simultaneously true. Thus while some form of verification can be made by testing the logic of the line of argument or the evidential support for the argume[...]into a dense contextual layer so that the reading of the landscape characteristics can be undertaken w[...]ructed or developed. From an archaeological point of view, this exploits the advantage of having the historical record as well as the archaeological record so that some understanding of why landscape characteristics were created[...] |
| [...]d both the research issues and the practicalities of data collection. It is also important to consider where the use of the criteria are leading the analysis, as inevitably adopting a set of criteria emphasises one line of analysis at the expense of others. Making this choice has to be an overt dec[...]se have been modified by removing the categories of archaeological sites and small scale elements. Ar[...]egory at best and so was discarded. The category of Gardens has been added, as gardens seemed separate from the broader characteristic of vegetation relating to land use. Gardens used not[...]e characteristics to be “read” in the context of the research questions are therefore: 1) Land Uses and Activities. 2) Patterns of Spatial Organisation. 3) Responses to the Natura[...]eading” Process The first stage in the process of investigating a landscape under the Melnick methodology, is one of establishing the landscape to be studied and its[...]over time. Landscapes are defined by a multitude of boundaries: political, economic, social, natural.[...]he start. Importantly, the relative permeability of each boundary needs to be evaluated. In the context of squatting, the bounded unit of analysis is the squatter’s run. These were lega[...]landscapes. Archaeological sites are in fact part of that landscape. |
| 31 defined entities but of course runs are added or separated so that the ru[...]runs were administered by the Government, records of squatting runs for NSW were largely destroyed in[...]n Palace fire.18 The fire destroyed the records of the “Occupation branch" of the Mines Department, which at that time administ[...]848 to 1882. Personal records and company records of individual squatters can make up part of this gap. Most of the underlying historical research to support Cha[...]al purchase records are held by the State Records Office (formerly the Archive Office of NSW). The series consists of Conditional Purchase Registers, Lands Department[...]Registers and Correspondence files. Each piece of correspondence is listed in the Conditional Purch[...]pondence Registers. In order to trace the history of a piece of land, the conditional purchase number was obtaine[...]map or from the applicant’s index in the front of the Conditional Purchase Register. The entry in t[...]ence numbers were recorded, and then the sequence of correspondence was searched through the Correspon[...]ut often they do not list file numbers. A degree of intuition and guesswork was required to obtain th[...]The conditional purchase records for the Parishes of Tharwa, Cuppacumbalong, Murray, Coolemon, Orroral, Naas and parts of Boroombah and Yarara were searched. Some 421 reco[...]ten summary in MS-Word. Photocopies and printouts of the summary and search notes were filed in lever[...]activities mostly on Cuppacumbalong. A microfilm of the diary is held in the National Library of Australia. Diary entries from 1869 - 1882[...] |
| There is no substitute for field walking as a way of recording information about a landscape and to ge[...]le stage so that during documentary research some of the inevitable ambiguities of the documentary record can be identified and resolved. Later I developed the habit of driving to Melbourne through the study area, whic[...]for how the landscape was and to build up a kind of empathy for the landscape. More systematic surveys were undertaken with the aim of identifying and recording the landscape character[...]ecific items such as hut sites. The description of landforrn, soils, vegetation has been systematise[...]ough somewhat complex, is at least a valuable way ofof course important, not only to record specific fe[...]research. The actual process is to take a number of “readings” of the landscape using the Melnick characteristics as a way of consistently recording or interpreting each landscape. Using the combination of landscape characteristics and situating them in time allowed a chronological reading of the landscape in which transformations from one landscape to another are seen. The understanding of these changes can be related to the ever-increasi[...]ical research undertaken. Thus, the understanding of the landscape gets “thicker” in the Geertzian sense, as more lines of evidence are examined. CONCLUSION “Cultural l[...]has remained largely unchallenged. '9 The concept of cultural landscapes has proven to be of long lasting usefulness in helping researchers un[...]Two broad analytical frameworks for the analysis of landscape are currently in use. The morphological analysis of cultural landscapes has proved useful in identify[...]ural" and “cultural" landscapes. In the context of Australia which has at least 50,000+ years of human history and interaction with the environmen[...]as there has not been a “natural" (in the sense of untouched by humans) landscape for at leas[...] |
| non-trivial manner) of these items and features. The result has been a listing of “cultural traits” such as vernacular houses,[...]t attempts at explanation have been limited. Part of the underlying reason for this difficulty has been the adoption of the ‘super-organic’ view of culture. While in more recent studies the super-o[...]systems theory, these ofien have the same effect of obscuring the effects of social and political elements in creating the lan[...]ogical analysis to achieve a deeper understanding of past landscapes. These approaches have focused on[...]contexts. There is also an approach that explains of the impact of the physical landscape and how it is constructed[...]terms to further political and economic positions of various groups in society. It is these approaches that promise ultimately to allow a deeper understanding of squatting landscapes by moving beyond the static morphological approach to a more dynamic view of the cultural landscape. A broadly hermeneu[...] |
| [...]TRALIA TO 1850: PIONEERING AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SQUATTOCRACY |
| 35 “So silently one by one, men of great force and endurance, with the sun and the s[...]on (1930) INTRODUCTION This chapter, the first of two giving a broad context for squatting landscap[...]ia, looks at the processes behind the development of squatting from its origins in the 18205 to the 18505 by which time most of the grasslands in South-Eastem Australia had been[...]rown. This was the “classic” pioneering phase of squatting typified by the quotation at the top of the page from one of the early historians of squatting. The chapter is structured to give a b[...]themes. The chapter begins with a brief overview of farming in NSW and Tasmania and a discussion of the emergence of the wool industry as an important industry in Australia. The expansion of farming to the limits of location is outlined and the role of the limits in Colonial land policy is established[...]n beyond the limits is delineated, as is the role of squatting in forcing the Government to legalise settlement beyond the limits. The two great struggles of the 18405: to survive the depression, and to obta[...]ally, the narrative section considers the process of consolidation during the 18405. The chapter then[...]d moved down existing drainage lines by a process of leap-frogging and in-filling. Pioneering squatte[...]imal impact on the landscape. However, this phase of pioneering was short lived for, despite their lack of tenure, squatters quickly invested in such items[...]olsheds and improved housing. A detailed analysis of the development of one run is used to demonstrate that squatters als[...]lish their respectability through the development of comfortable huts and neat gardens. Working at a[...]apter brings together material from various lines of research. These are often treated by dividing them into areas of separate research (politics, land law, geography, history of sheep, economic history, environmental history) w[...]ey all form important parts in the understanding of the processes underlying the formation of squatting landscapes. |
| [...]lands using convicts as well as building up herds of animals to provide fresh meat. The emphasis on es[...]rprising as Botany Bay was a long way from points of resupply such as England or India and the Cape of Good Hope. Not surprisingly, the lack of skilled agriculturalists, poor tools and total lack of knowledge about Port Jackson’s environment mean[...]mpts were unsuccessful. After the initial failure of the first crop in 1788, agriculture was moved to[...]ernment farming developed until it reached a peak of 1,014 acres in 1792 (Fletcher 1976:27). At the sa[...]d “sowed the first grain”.2" The development of private farming marked a change in govermrlent at[...]ing former soldiers and convicts to obtain grants of land as freehold. This policy has been described as a spur of the moment decision that was aimed at solving the problem of what to do with the convicts once their time had expired (Butlin l969:3). Apparently, the return of the convicts to Britain was not seen as an optio[...]rants in 1790. However, the number and experience of free settlers, who began arriving in 1793, was po[...]1976: 16). Settlement remained close to the towns of Parramatta and Sydney, as Governor Phillip was concerned about the obvious disadvantages of granting land to form a wide, dispersed settlement across the Cumberland Plain. In 1794, settlement of the Hawkesbury River was allowed by the acting Go[...]from the river. However despite the disadvantage of flood, Fletcher notes “the Hawkesbury quickly[...]g centre, so superior were its resources to those of any other known part” (19761195). Settlement also expanded along the shores of Sydney Harbour and the Parramatta River as well as in areas such as Prospect and Castle Hill. Most of the land granted was in comparatively small allotments (Fletcher suggests a common size of 30 to 50 acres, 1976254). Shortly after Phillip’s departure in 1792, permission was received for the Officers and men of NSW Corps23 to receive land grants along with civilian officials. The first 20 Identical instructions we[...]tions to Governor Phillip, in Historical Records of Australia (HRA) 1(1):11-l3 Zl Epitaph on[...] |
| 37 grants were made to the Officers of the Corps. From 1793, through illicit trading act[...]ited having access to foreign exchange, positions of trust in the colony which they could exploit for profit, and access to numerous convict servants, the Officers were a major economic power (Fletcher 1976:62-63). Apart from their trading activities, the Officer class were prominent farmers holding between 30% and 17% of land cropped between 1793 and 1802. Afier about[...]cern with their trading activities and the growth of civilian merchants such as Robert Campbell and em[...]ing industry) resulted in the comparative decline of the Officer's economic power in the Colony. The history of livestock breeding in Australia begins with the arrival of stock with the First Fleet, although there is no record of how many beasts actually survived the voyage. By[...]n fact, showing unusual bovine intelligence, most of the cattle had abandoned their convict herdsman by mid-1788 and settled on pastures beyond the reach of the colony. Governor Hunter stumbled on a herd of some 60 cattle beyond the Nepean River, at an are[...]uss or financial outlay. Fletcher notes that the Officers of the NSW Corps began to concentrate on cattle and[...]out 1800 onwards (Fletcher 1976:70). The purpose of developing the livestock was of course to provide fresh meat to the colony and sa[...]arket). The Governors were also importing numbers of livestock from the Cape and India. Even so there[...]y pigs, goats, milk cows, and so on - the numbers of stock would have been quite small. To run large h[...]must have seemed a little more respectable to the Officers and Gentry than farming with all its implications of dirt and sweaty labour and close associati[...] |
| [...]rland Plain (after Jeans 1972) The broad pattern of settlement during this period can be characterise[...]ur. The small farms were spread along the courses of the rivers where fertile soil could be found. There were a few larger farms, which were mixed grazing of cattle and some sheep and cultivation. These larg[...]e up to 3000 acres. Larger estates included those of Marsden at Marnre, Jamison at Regentville, Cox at[...]and at Luddenham as well as the well known estate of John Macarthur’s at Camden, formerly the Cowpastures (see Perry 1963:22- 25). A 3000 acre farm is still of such a size that it can be walked across and admi[...]eturning each night. This seems to be the pattern of grazing, although as Blair and Claoue-Long note[...]n poorly documented (1993bz83) so precise details of the actual landscapes are unknown.24 The expansion of pastoral estates however soon ran into the physical constraints of the Cumberland Plains. This plain lies to the west of Sydney Cove and is bounded on all sides by terrai[...]country 24 There have been no published studies of early convict farms from this period although evidence of farming does exist at Parramatta Park. |
| [...]he settlement as it ran virtually around the edge of the Cumberland Plain. INTRODUCTION OF SHEEP TO AUSTRALIA Generally, there are two uses[...]meat the other is to provide wool. The conversion of wool into fabric involves the production of yarn by twisting the wool fibres and the weaving or knitting of the yarn into a fabric. There are two main processes of producing yarn - woollen or worsted. The woollen[...]cks From the Australian perspective, the history of sheep can conveniently begin in eighteenth centur[...]ol to the British woollen industry. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the fine wool industry w[...]fine wool carrying sheep with a suitable amount of mutton on it. By the late 17005, the British woollen industry obtained much of its fine wool from overseas countries such as Sp[...]sh breeding program based on merinos smuggled out of Spain and supported by George 111. Sir Joseph Ban[...]the Reliance and the Supply were sent to the Cape of Good Hope to buy supplies for Sydney. The ships masters, Captain Waterhouse of Supply and Captain Kent of Reliance were offered merinos from the flock of the late Governor, Colonel Gordon, whose widow wa[...]rn to Britain. These merinos were the descendants of those given to the Dutch Governor by the King of Spain in 1789 (Ryder 1983:575). Waterhouse and Ke[...]are that this is a rather superficial discussion of Bank’s role as a scientist, see Gascoign[...] |
| en-route to Sydney but 10 of Waterhouse's survived. These were distributed wit[...]16/07/1806 in Carter 1979:457-458). The history of sheep breeding in early Australia is rather confu[...]ed with the argument about who was the "father“ of the Australian wool industry. Various candidates[...]e alternatively praised or dismissed on the basis of some rather fragmentary historical evidence about the nature and quality of their sheep. The basic point is that the Australian sheep of that time came from a variety of sources including the merinos that Waterhouse had[...]n 1805, merinos apparently captured off the coast of Peru around 1804, merinos that accompanied the Bl[...]For example, Marsden, the chaplain to the Colony of New South Wales, crossed his merinos with sheep from the Cape of Good Hope and India with the aim of producing dual-purpose meat/wool sheep adapted to[...]Australian merino type. From the evident success of some Australian wool in the English market it appears that the introduction of fine wool genes via the merino was successfully[...]1962). It is not precisely clear how the concept of a market for wool rather than for mutton develope[...]Sir Joseph Banks to learn about the requirements of the English market and how they could improve the[...]ould have been fulfilling the evangelical ideals of improvement and industry in his activity. Tasman[...]ember 1855, was colonised in 1803 as an off-shoot of NSW with the aim of preventing any French ambitions in the Southern O[...]e in mutton prices (Hartwell 1954:110). An import of quality sheep occurred 26 . . Hence Vandiemanoman. |
| 41 in 1820 with the arrival of 181 sheep, again from Macarthur’s flock. The G[...]in Tasmania grew rapidly. Cox has noted that one of the unique features of the early Van Dieman’s Land wool industry was t[...]sing Saxon stock (Cox 1936:20—28). Development of the Australian wool industry Abbot’s “The Pastoral Age: A re—examination” (1971) is the culmination of the historical debate on the nature of the early wool industry conducted between various[...]in the 1960s. Abbott neatly avoided the question of “the Father" and points to a variety of factors that made grazing and sheep farming of interest to landowners. Although small samples of wool had been sent to England, it was really the combination of declining meat prices in NSW between 1816 and 1819, and the extraordinary profits of speculative wool cargoes sent to England in 1811-12 that spurred the development of wool production (Abbott 1971 :34-35). The initial[...]Yarwood 1977:133-134). As the traditional sources of wool for the English market, Spain, and Saxony, were in the midst of the Napoleonic wars, supply disruptions may have[...]und 1817 (Abbott 1971:38-39). Once the shortages of the wars were over, more attention was paid to the quality of the fleeces in the mills and prices dropped exce[...]tion to Australia on the quality and presentation of the fleeces. Abbott argued that from 1818 onward[...]he costs involved in the production and marketing of wool in London” (1971 :41). The graziers in the[...]stry as a useful answer to the perennial question of what to do with the convicts once their sentences had expired. Even so, in 1821 wool remained a small part of the English market and a small part of Australia’s exports. There was also increased English interest in the potential of Australia as a source for wool. The most notable expressions of this were the establishment of the Australian Agricultural Company and the Van D[...]English market and each were reliant on promises of cheap convict labour and large land grants from a[...]. 27 This was an inquiry into the administration of the Colony conducted in 1819-1820. |
| [...]. The Australian Agricultural company had capital of £1,000, 000 and was entitled to grants of land up to 1,000,000 acres (Bairstow 1986288). The Van Dieman’s Land Company received grants of 500,000 acres in north-west Tasmania (Murray 1988:101). Both companies competed for the supply of breeding sheep. The Australian Agricultural Compa[...]ived its charter in 1824, became a major importer of Saxon rams from 1824. Between 1825 and 1827 some[...]h Wales was well equipped with increasing quality of flocks, new pastures being opened up and a good[...]:47). This view was supported by the publication of Commissioner Bigge’s reports in London in 1822-23 in which the advantages of the wool industry in New South Wales was stressed. EXPANSION TO THE LIMITS OF LOCATION When Governor Brisbane arrived in 1821,[...]ettlement in NSW had reached a minor crisis. Most of the available freehold land in NSW (the Cumberlan[...]grant from the Governor and there was a shortage of land for grazing. Brisbane attempted to improve t[...]by increasing land prices28 but due to a shortage of surveyors” Brisbane was forced to continue Governor Macquarie’s practice of issuing “tickets of occupation” which allowed occupation of land prior to sale (Abbott 1971:128-130; Perry 19[...]The land shortage was rectified by the expansion of the settlement beyond the Cumberland Plain. West of the Blue Mountains Settlement had reached across the Blue Mountains following the successful explorations of Blaxland, Lawson, and Wentworth (1813) and survey of Evans (1813- 14) which had established the presence of forest land beyond the rugged terrain of the Blue Mountains. Governor Macquarie authorised the construction of a road across the Mountains in 1814. In April 181[...]ife crossed the Mountains and arrived at the site of Bathurst, which they named and set out. A small s[...]ale cultivation began. At the same time, a number of settlers took flocks over the mountains on a sem[...]es that by 1820 there were some 19,453 sheep west of the Blue Mountains (1963284). 28 A quit rent was[...]anted and there always was a considerable backlog of land waiting to be surveyed. |
| [...].... ”'Wbmry/oul Figure 3.2 Settlement west of the Blue Mountains (afier Perry 1963) The sudden influx of settlement over the mountains forced the Aborigin[...]invaders. From 1822, the Wiradjuri began a series of attacks on sheep flocks and shepherds. Fry reports a series of attacks resulting in some 20 hutkeepers and sheph[...](1993233). It is difficult to assess the nature of these attacks as the settlers tended to exaggerat[...]ibed by Perry as the principal sheep raising area of the colony in the 18205 (1963:88). Cultivation of land was only for local production largely because of the difficult road over the mountains and consequent high transport costs (both in terms of time and money) to take produce to Sydney for sal[...]analysed by Perry shows that there were two types of farm: small farms run by ex-convicts and[...] |
| The area to the south west of Sydney was known as the “Cow Pastures" and was[...]herd to build up. John Macarthur received a grant of land in the Cow pastures in 1804 to encourage his[...]from the mid-18205. The evidence for the nature of settlement in this area is complicated, as the co[...]Census retums. Perry notes the general similarity of the settlement size with other districts but note[...]ck on Crown Land. There was also a greater number of cattle which were more suited to the land around[...]In the 1820! Figure 3.3 Exploring South West of Sydney (afier Andrews 1999) |
| [...]allis’s Plains from 1812 (to the immediate west of Newcastle along the Hunter River). These were located at the lower end of the Hunter Valley, which was characterised by the meandering course of the river and numerous swamps and dense rainfores[...]vement east up the Hunter River. The middle tract of the Hunter was reached by explorers moving overla[...]und there were first occupied and, by 1825, much of the plains had been granted to settlers. This prompted a series of attacks by the Wonnarua on shepherds and farm wo[...]ilitary (Milliss 1994:54-66). Perry’s analysis of the 1828 census shows that there were 191 farms in the Hunter Valley. Of these 50% were greater in area than 1000 acres and took up the majority of land (91.5%). Some 18% of the farms were under 100 acres and 33% were between 100 and 999 acres occupying 8.1% of the valley (Perry 1963:Table 12). Perry has noted[...]er farms under 1000 acres had a much greater area of the farm under cultivation and generally held mor[...]er cultivation but these only formed a small part of the overall holding (2% according to Perry). The[...]y sheep as cattle. According to Perry’s mapping of grants the smaller farms were located on small patches of alluvial land along the Hunter River particularly in the east of the Valley while the larger grazing farms were lo[...]he Illawarra region. As well, there were a number of small settlements of sealers and later Whalers on the Victorian coast[...]Abbott 1971 :130). The reform introduced a system of both grants and land sales as well as the renting of Crown Lands adjacent to freehold property (Abbott[...]o counties and parishes resulting in the creation of the "limits of location", the boundaries of the Nineteen Counties (Perry 1963:45-46). These have been seen by some as a form of "iron curtain" but as Perry (1963246) poin[...] |
| [...]the Hunter Valley (after Perry 1963) The Limits of Location The wool industry reached a peak in 1826, a year of intense economic speculation in sheep and cattle (Abbott 1971:57-59). The onset of a drought in 1827 (which lasted several years) and a decline in wool prices from 1828 reduced some of the investment in wool. This caused a recession and many colonists became insolvent and the flow of immigrants slowed to a trickle. However by 1831,[...]ces began to climb higher, prompting another wave of immigration. The demand for land and thus the ever-increasing spread of settlement was underpinned by the increasing success of the wool industry and the need to find good graz[...]s that attracted high prices, most clips were not of that quality and so profits were hard to come by, but this point was obscured in the general feeling of optimism. By 1828, settlement had reached the boundaries of the limits and the continuing success of grazing was requiring that even more land be foun[...]e, implemented the so-called "Ripon" regulations of 1831. The regulations were aimed at concentrating settlement within the limits of location and regularising the forms of |
| Figure 3.5 The Limits of Location occupation. As such, they have been seen as reflecting to some extent the settlement theories of Edward Gibbon Wakefield in his A Letter from Syd[...]hed in 1829. Wakefield argued for a denser level of settlement and higher land prices (Jeans 1975:114[...]29 [1829]). Wakefield’s views had a great deal of influence in Westminster despite the fact that t[...]nd all land was to be sold with the reserve price of 5/- per acre (no credit). Revenue from the land sales was to sponsor immigration. Land outside the "limits of location" was not for sale, lease, or grant. The policy of containing settlement within the limits could only work if the "limits of location" was a strong boundary. There were a variety of boundaries that could potentially hold back settlement. In terms of economic geography, settlement in the late 18205 was at the end of a long track back to Sydney. Theoretically, this would have limited the economic utility of cultivation as the largest market was weeks of travel away. Grazing sheep and cattle for meat al[...]an argument supporting the notion that the limits of location might have been an effective barrier due[...]arket for agricultural produce. But the advantage of wool as a product was its durability: it d[...] |
| 48 More importantly in terms of landscape, the limits were drawn almost at the start of the plains stretching enticingly out west from the barrier of the Great Dividing Range. Even today you can stand on the edge of the limits of location and see the plains stretching out into t[...]2:115). In fact it was the Government itself that officially breached the "limits ofof colonial land regulations to cope with. Neither G[...]dilemma. As the men on the spot, they were aware of the importance of the wool industry to the colony. Yet they also ha[...]instructions from the British Government, fearful of increased expenditure of the colonies and influenced by Wakefieldian the[...]ion, to contain settlement.30 Despite the variety of regulations introduced in 1828, 1831 and 1833, with the ban on settlement outside the limits of location, sheep farmers were forced, if they were[...]e the colonies formal boundaries. The land policy of the Colonial Office was inevitably doomed in the face of a successful pastoral industry requiring of necessity a dispersed settlement and the lack of any physical, economic or military force to preve[...]ernors knew this as Well but had to make the best of it. THE SQUATTING OCCUPATION OF SOUTH-EASTERN AUSTRALIA With the expansion of pastoral settlement beyond the limits of location, the “Squatting Age” had begun. There was no official sanction of settlement beyond these limits and so all settlement beyond was squatting on Crown Land. It is this lack of sanction that makes it difficult to establish pr[...]land at Duntroon on the Limestone Plains (County of Murray within the limits) where he established a[...]tablished a squatting run Delegate at the far end of the Monaro Tablelands (see Andrews 19792136) yet[...]is “A Letter-from Sydney" against the dispersal of settlement as being uneconomic and proposed a com[...]uing that it was speculative and that over supply of wool would keep wool prices below a profitable le[...]“clear, the remedies appropriate and the method of presentation entertaining" (1928:ix). I suspect that means of reducing colonial expenditure was bound to be of interest to the Colonial Office and the virtues M[...]Wakefield’s writing sewed to help the adoption of his ideas. |
| [...]$ 1830 VENOUS Sources [3 1840 . 1848-9 rents of runs 1843-9 Figure 3.6 Standard Squatting Settlement Map of New South Wales (after Jeans 1972) |
| of the run nor why it was located so far away in cou[...]It must also be noted that there is a great deal of variation in the histories of the initial squatting settlement. The history of expansion from the Hunter into the Liverpool Plai[...]olls 1984) yet there seems almost nothing written of squatting west of the Bathurst area with historians relying mainly[...]afier squatting had begun. There is a great deal of material on squatting from Victoria. Squatters we[...]ers from Victorian Pioneers”. The reminiscences of other pioneers are readily available as well as the six volumes of the Clyde Company Papers. Also, the government re[...]ncineration in the Garden Palace fire - the fate of the NSW squatting files. For these reasons, the history of squatting has a distinctly Victorian flavour as[...]. Given these difficulties and the immense size of the land the squatters moved into it is hard to write a coherent account of squatting settlement. This section attempts a brief survey of the squatting expansion organised according to br[...]squatting runs were established. The standard map of squatting expansion in South-Eastem Australia can be found as Figure 3.6, this gives a broad scale view of the process of squatting settlement. The Monaro Tablelands South of the Southern Highlands are a series of grassy plains, which were explored from 1818 onwa[...]the mid-18205. As this land was within the limits of location, the land was granted. Further south, beyond the limits are the Monaro Tablelands, a series of rolling tablelands between the Great Dividing Ran[...]learned from the Aborigines he met that the name of the land was Monaroo. Andrews has recently discussed the question of the earliest settlement on the Monaro (1998). He[...]ty was established by 1827 and Cooma in the heart of the Monaro by 1828 (1998:95-96). Andrews discount[...]established Delegate (located at the southern end of the Plains) by 1826 considering that perhaps the[...]1827 and 1832 squatting runs covered the majority of Monaro and squatters had penetrated throug[...] |
| [...]s follows: “Already have the flocks and herds of the Colonists spread themselves over a large portion of this southern Country. They are to be found in great numbers in Monarro Plains to the westward of Twofold Bay, and some are said to roam as far to[...]urrumbidgee and into Victoria in 1824. The limits of location ran through Browning Hill (a very promin[...]on the hill you can see the plains and the course of the Murrumbidgee so it was really easy to head |
| [...]e 3:8 Runs in the Riverina off beyond the limits of location. By 1829, when Charles Sturt passed thro[...]ablished a run further downstream at the junction of the Murrumbidgee and Tumut Rivers (now Gundagai)[...]ins. Thus, the squatters were on the eastern edge of a vast area of plain although the extent of the plain was as yet unknown. The eastern end of the plain was mainly open woodland but as one mov[...]es more difficult to find. Sturt traversed much of this country in his exploration and his report wa[...]mith 19682102). Thus while Stun mapped the course of the Murrumbidgee to its junction with the[...] |
| [...]w Wagga Wagga. Gammage notes the rapid settlement of land on the Murrumbidgee near Narrandera by a number of sons of emancipist farmers from the Airds district. He comments “by the end of 1833 the entire Narrandera fi'ontage had thus be[...]986:30). This took settlement right onto the edge of the salt bush plains. There Langford-Smith sugges[...]Settlement in the hilly areas immediately south of Gundagai was much slower. Major Mitchell on his return from “Australia Felix” found traces of cattle and the tracks of a gig on the northern bank of the Murray on 24th October 1836. He was actively looking for squatters after hearing rumours of settlement having reached the Murray. However, it was another six days of travel before his party reached a squatting run on the Murrumbidgee. Undoubtedly, the reason for this lack of settlement was that the terrain and drainage runs[...]d Murray Rivers and squatters took the easy route of following the terrain rather than going over the[...]rpool Ranges. Once over the ranges the headwaters of streams run north west into the Narnoi River system which ultimately form the headwaters of the Darling river system. This area was later cal[...]24 Henry Dangar while on duty surveying the farms of the Upper Hunter Valley made several short[...] |
| [...]d him. In late 1826 William Nowland took 100 head of cattle from Fal Brook over Dart Brook Pass and be[...]g the Liverpool Plains from the south as a series of squatting runs were established based on their grants within the limits of location in the Bathurst — Mudgee area. By 182[...]ved down to the Mooki River near the current town of Quirindi and on the Peel River where Tamworth wou[...]ge, squatters had only settled as far as the site of Tamworth. Mitchell explored parts of the Namoi River then moved north and located the[...]2 squatting runs were established at the junction of Cox’s Creek and the Namoi and by 1833 a number of runs were established along the Namoi (Rol[...] |
| Many of these runs were from squatters dispersed by the A[...]988, Rolls 1984:101-103). This displaced a number of squatters who then squatted further down the Namo[...]ters were all along the river to the present town of Moree. Similar squatting runs were established al[...]tween the rivers was not taken up due to the lack of water. Aboriginal resistance however truncated s[...]1824, a run was established near the present town of Narromine and for about six years this was the mo[...]Squatting runs were taken up in the upper reaches of the Macquarie and Bogan rivers between 1835 and 1[...]tember 1841 Aborigines attacked his men and three of them were killed. This required an expedition by the Mounted Police in which a number of Aborigines were killed and captured. Governor Gip[...]licence no doubt because he saw Lee’s disregard of instructions as the cause of the trouble (Heathcote 1965:95; Jervisl956a, 1956[...]t remained until 1858 no doubt helped by the lack of water in the region. New England Tablelands By 1832, squatting had reached the southern edge of the New England Tablelands (Walker 1966: 1 1). Th[...]stern (seaward) side they are bounded by a series of steep escarpments and broken ranges. To the west,[...]y until it joins the western plains. The altitude of the plains is around 1200m above sea level (Jeans[...]rassland with numerous granite boulders and areas of light timbering. Early settlers considered it too[...]“grass fires were already a common feature” of the Tablelands at contact although Norton considers that they were caused by “the careless attitude of aborigines” rather than considering that they might have been part of a deliberate pattern (1971 :7). |
| [...]ese two events are generally held to be the start of squatting on the New England Tablelands. By 1835[...]99: 15). By 1840 Tenterfield at the northern end of the Tablelands had been occupied. Land to the west (to the east were the hills and rainforests of the Great Dividing Range) was occupied along the western margins of the New England Tablelands. Bundarra had been tak[...]by the Aborigines and by 1837 there were a series of attacks on shepherds and repn'sals (Ferry 1999:18[...]ry region for race relations pointing to the acts of disposition both physical and in terms of the language used to discuss settlement in New En[...]from Beardys Plains. Leslie was armed with a copy of Cunningham’s map of his 1827 route across the Downs (French 199427).[...]sloping gently to the west meeting the headwaters of the Darling River. The Darling Downs were elevate[...]der ewes, 2 bullock teams and draws and 22 ticket of leave convicts. This crowd took a month to move t[...]at Toolbuna (French 1994:32-33). Rapid settlement of the Darling Downs followed thereafter. |
| [...]on the Darling Downs and New England Settlement of Victoria By the early 18305, Victoria was surrou[...]h settlements along the Murrumbidgee, on the edge of the Monaro, into East Gippsland along the route of the Snowy river and along the coastal fringe south of Twofold Bay. As well, the available land for shee[...]ad all been granted and there was a real shortage of suitable land. There are a great many landform a[...]n types in Victoria but a simplified description of the landscape at settlement is useful in understanding the pattern of settlement. The northern boundary of Victoria is the Murray River which runs roughly north west from its headwaters on the edge of the Monaro Plains. A series of alluvial plains are found running west from Albury and stretching south by up to mom until the northern edge of the Great Dividing Range is met. These plains were vegetated by a mixture of open woodland and grassland. Further to the west along the Murray are a series of aeolian plains (i. e. sand dunes) covered[...] |
| [...]from Port Phillip Bay west to the coastal swamps of the Coorong. There is a narrow coastal plain. In[...]nge running parallel to the coast and consisting of cool temperate rainforest. The volcanic plains in[...]grassland or savanna woodland mixed with a series of swamps, wetlands and small rivers. They are notable for volcanic cones and areas of lava flows known as Stony Rises. The Great Divi[...]ds at the Dundas Plateau, runs through the middle of Victoria. In the Western half of Victoria the ranges are not particularly high or steep (with the exception of the Grampians) and were covered with open forest.[...]e is higher and wetter leading to the development of closed forests and rainforests with Alpine plain[...]g above the tree line or in frost hollows. South of the Great Dividing Ranges is the La Trobe valley, an area of open forests and grasslands along the valley of the La Trobe River. There is a definite coastal[...]overed with cool temperate rainforest. The coast of Victoria was well known as from the early 18003 it had been the site of a number of sealers camps and had been well explored by parti[...]l Merinos (descendants from the Royal Flock) some of which they exported to NSW. Following the decline[...]es in Australia. Seduced by Stirling’s accounts of the Swan River they began the move there in 1829.[...]or sheep they moved on to Tasmania in 1832, which of course had little to offer in the way of cheap land as they arrived just after the ending of free land grants. Traditional accounts of the Hentys (eg. Bassett 1962) emphasise their she[...]rchandise and banking. In this, they were typical of merchants rather than the general run of squatters (Forth 1984 also makes this point). Th[...]e successful in establishing as the founding date of Victoria. The farm that the Hentys established was a mixture of cultivation and grazing with about 800 she[...] |
| [...]->- MITCHELL'S MYE Figure 3.11 Settlement of Victoria (afici- Powell 1974) |
| [...]ablishment farming rich volcanic soil at the foot of the Tower Hill volcano. Both the Henty and Griffith farming establishments also served the purpose of keeping the specialised whaling crews intact by g[...]borigines that purported to sell him 60,000 acres of prime grazing land along the Western side ofof runs were taken up. The final act in the initial settlement of Victoria was the exploration of Major Mitchell, Surveyor General of NSW. Mitchell's expedition was to locate the course of the Darling River and its junction with the Murra[...]s Portland Bay. Mitchell "discovered" large areas of good grazing land, which he named "Australia Felix". Imagine the feelings of the explorer when, on 29th August 1836, some house-like rocks that he was in the process of discovering, turned out to be in fact real houses - one of the Henty out-stations. Imagine the feelings of the Henty’s (Edward and Francis were at Portland) to discover a senior government official - The Surveyor General no less, at their i[...](i.e. Mitchell) had not the most distant thought of our being here, and was not a little surprised to find Englishmen in this Part of the World” (Peel 19961162). Major Mitchell’s party was recorded by Edward Henty as consisting of the Major, Assistant Surveyor Staplyton, 23 men a[...]disaffected Assistant are remembered today (diary of Edward Henty 26 August 1836 in Peel 1996). Mitch[...]w Mount Macedon and thought he could see evidence of the settlement at Port Phillip which he had learn[...]was driving cattle overland to Port Phillip. This officially unoccupied land was buzzing with settlement. Ironically on his return bringing news of this wholesale trespass, |
| 61 Governor Bourke was more concerned with the legalities of Mitchell’s assault on the Aborigines on the Mur[...]rs were at Portland and Port Phillip. The effect of Mitchell's expedition was not so much the new dis[...]in making more widely known the grazing potential of much of Victoria hitherto known mainly by the Vandemonian[...]m Van Dieman’s Land. Thus, there were two types of settlers the overlanders and the overstraiters. P[...]ip (rather than Portland) with a rapid settlement of adjacent areas by overstraiters and some overlanders. The sanctioning of squatting The rapid expansion of settlement beyond the "limits of location" posed an administrative problem for Gov[...]proposal to settle at Twofold Bay, the Secretary of State, Lord Aberdeen replied, instructing Bourke[...]prepared to authorise a measure, the consequence of which would be to spread over a still further extent of territory a population which it was the objective of the late Land Regulations to concentrate” (Aber[...]urke in a dilemma. He would have been quite aware of settlement beyond the limits. Indeed, later in 18[...]His argument was that wool was the chief product of NSW and to constrain it would be disastrous. Grazing of necessity required settlement beyond the limits and Bourke admitted “the proprietors of thousands of acres already find it necessary, equally with the[...]send large flocks beyond the present boundaries of location”. Besides, the expense of removing the squatters from beyond the "limits of location" would be greater than extending administration to cover them. Bourke suggested the introduction of guidance and control funded by revenue from land[...]5, HRA). 32 Today the line is marked by a series of caims and arrows. the result of a bequest commemorating Major Mitchell. ’3 Bourke was informed of Batman‘s settlement by the Lt. Governor of Van Dieman's Land, George Arthur as well as by memorials from Gellibrand on behalf of the Port Phillip Association and of course by Mitchell. Bourke suspected Arthur of wanting to administer Port Phillip hence the first paragraph of Bourke‘s letter reminded Lord Glenelg that his commission covered Port Phillip, as it was part of NSW. |
| 62 Fortunately Lord Glenelg, who was now Secretary of State, agreed. His reply arrived in Sydney in August 1836. Glenelg was concerned to ensure that the rights of the Aborigines “be studiously defended” but conceded the inability to prevent dispersion of settlement. “It is wholly vain to expect that any positive Laws, especially those of a very young and thinly peopled Country, will be energetic enough to repress the spirit of adventure and speculation in which the unauthoris[...]ing to enter with more minuteness into the detail of your plan” (Glenelg to Bourke 13 April 1836 HRA[...]Port Phillip District was proclaimed and a party of officials dispatched to the Yarra to bring law to t[...]“An Act to restrain the unauthorised occupation of Crown Lands" (7 Will IV c. 4)” was passed. This allowed people of “good character” to be licensed to occupy Crown Land outside the "limits of location" for an annual fee. Evidence of occupation was to be manifested by some kind of building or cultivation. The revenue from the act[...]t (Abbott 1971 : 137, Fletcher 1989). The system of licences came into operation on the 1S! January 1837. This bill put into effect the decision of Glenelg to recognise squatters and emphasised tha[...]rated. THE 18405 STRUGGLE AND STRIFE The decade of the 18405 was the period in which the squatters e[...]he squatters as the squattocracy. The Depression of 1841 At some point in the 18305, squatting moved from a simple expansion of the wool industry into the realm of a speculative boom. Abbott points to excellent prices for ordinary grades of wool in the years 1834-36 and for sheep during “the later half of the 1830s” as the seeds of the industry’s downfall (Abbott 1971 :66). Capital flowed into NSW for the expansion of the wool industry, irrespective of a rational view of the return on investment. This created a s[...] |
| [...]ble, given the high demand for sheep irrespective of the nature of their fleeces.35 Thus, returns on investment wer[...]about 3d per pound (Abbott 1971 :64). The effect of the wool price drop is a matter of contention. Fitzpatrick (1941) argued for its imp[...]ued for taking into consideration all the factors of production in the wool industry (such as declinin[...]is that for many runs created in the latter half of the 18305 it would have taken four or five years for the costs of production and returns to be established and comm[...]actor considered by Fitzpatrick is the withdrawal of British capital following an economic downturn in[...]Broeze (1993) viewed the 18405 from the viewpoint of capitalist/merchant Robert Brooks, and saw the origins of the depression as a glut in the colonial market f[...]d market (1993:157- 158). Broeze argues that much of the capital that financed the pastoral boom and[...]ome latitude in investing the Australian profits of Brook’s trade in other fruitful ventures. “With prices buoyant, profit rates of up to 100 per cent, and demand apparently growing[...]e first Melbourne land boom. With the opening up of Port Phillip the Government surveyed the township of Melbourne and put the land up for sale. From the[...]Shaw notes that land was sold at an average price of £1 .30 per acre but resold at an average of £1 0 (19952163). The prices were speculative giv[...]note the fall in wool prices and stress the need of wools to be “very clean and strong in the staple, which none of them were last year" (Brown 19522112). 36 There[...]Hartwell (late 1840) on this point. There would of course be inevitable lag effects as there[...] |
| undeveloped nature of Melbourne and surrounding areas. Many of the speculators were Sydney merchants. Sales proved strong until the end of 1841 (Shaw 19962163). Shaw blames the change in government land policy as being a factor in the bursting of the speculative bubble for land in Melbourne (199[...]ely, this is too parochial a factor. The collapse of squatting speculation across South—Eastem Australia inevitably caused the collapse of expectation for the development of Melbourne and consequently speculative land value[...]lian wool that they had imagined. Thus, the flow of capital and immigrants into NSW slowed to a trick[...]e situation. The first major failure in the City of London was Montefiore Brothers in February 1841 and others followed quickly afier. In Australia the case of AB. Spark of Tempe is well known. Spark acted as an agent for a number of British merchants such as Duncan Dunbar. Using their funds Spark invested in all sectors of the economy including nine squatting runs (Broeze 1993:162-163). As a Director of the Bank of Australia, Spark also seems to have been involved[...]s major defaulting loan was to Hughes and Hoskins of some £144,895. Spark merely owed £44,244 (Butli[...]3. The depression cut a swathe through the ranks of the squatters. Despite the importance of the depression, no comprehensive listing of squatters bankrupted by it has been made. Shaw qu[...]1996:166). Paul de Serville concluded his account of good society at Port Phillip with a chapter on the early 18405 called “The End of the Golden Age” (1980). This was certainly the view of author Rolf Boldrewood (Thomas Alexander Browne)[...]epression.37 The “hero” who ended this cycle of depression was apparently Henry O’Brien of Yass who invented “boiling down". This was the conversion of live sheep to tallow for which there was at least[...]ted with boiling down (Kiddle 19621136). A number of extensive boiling down establishments were set up along the banks of the lower Yarra and Saltwater (Maribymong) rivers[...]ry (1971 :82). In conjunction with the discovery of boiling down were legislative measures to ease th[...]t 37 Browne‘s family lived in the rural suburb of Heidelberg on the site used by the Heidelberg School of Artists (and incidentally where my grandfather la[...]house). His was perhaps the first in a long line of “golden summers“ at Heidelberg. Rolf Bolderwood wrote a number of articles and books looking back on this period. |
| allowed a person to trade their way out of debt without fear of imprisonment. The Lien on Wool and Livestock Act allowed the squatter to borrow money on the security of the next wool clip without losing possession or control of the sheep. The Legislation although rejected by the Colonial Office, was passed again by the Legislative Council[...]ustry as a whole to regroup and giving some sense of security to investors. From 1843 or 1844 matters[...]p and wool and a consequent increase in the value of squatting runs. The struggle against Governor Gi[...]r’s battle with Governor Gipps lay in the state of the pastoral industry following the depression of the early 18403 and the insecurity of squatting tenure. Gipps antagonised squatters on[...]licence to William Lee highlighted the insecurity of squatting tenure (Roberts 1968:217).38 It should[...]the Legislative Council. From a Government point of view squatting was marked by an increasing demand[...]ervices such as police and cheap immigrants 9 all of which cost money. However the nature of squatting tenure made sure that there was little[...]pied, a point made by Lord Russell when Secretary of State for the Colonies (Russell to Gipps 20 June[...]ired to put forward the Australian Land Sales Act of 1842 (5&6 Vic c.36) which imposed a minimum price of £1 per acre for Crown Lands sold after survey. The squatting legislation of 1836 had been renewed in 1838 (by a continuation[...]from a levy on stock. The land outside the limits of location was divided into nine squatting districts each with its own Commissioner of Crown Lands and a detachment of police. These changes were not opposed. The 1839[...]squatting. On one side was the undoubted benefit of squatting but on the other the need to generate r[...]There was also the need for the moral improvement of the squatters. In a dispatch on the squatting pro[...]to the Social and Moral evils, which such a state of things, if left unameliorated, must of necessity lead to”. The 38 Lee’s case was pr[...]ubsided emigration which Gipps was to pay for out of colonial funds thus placing another demand on a d[...]t further to restrain the unauthorised occupation of Crown Lands, and to provide the means of defi‘aying the expense of 0 Border Police (3 Vic c.). |
| 66 problems were the lack of Religion and Schools and the poor quality of squatter living conditions due to lack of secure tenure. If this situation was not fixed, Gipps held out the prospect of “a race of Englishmen. . .springing up in a state approaching to that of untutored barbarism” (Gipps to Stanley 3 April[...]while maintaining the Crown’s ownership rights of squatting runs. Gipps clearly saw a link between[...]In April 1844, Governor Gipps introduced two sets of proposed regulations, which were to replace the e[...]chase regulations, which allowed limited purchase of runs (1968: 191). The occupation regulations were[...]he 2nd April 1844 and were really a tightening up of the earlier regulations. They limited the size of runs forcing squatters to take out a licence for[...]nce. Making them pay for each licence was one way of increasing land revenues. Gipps made these change[...]rough the Legislative Council which was in favour of squatting and might have opposed any changes invo[...]-May 1844, proposed that after 5 years occupation of a run a squatter should have the opportunity of purchasing 320 acres for a homestead. Having made[...]the squatter would then be entitled to possession of the run for eight years. A second 320 acres block[...]le would have to be by auction, however the value of improvements would be deducted from the price or[...]e squatters saw the Gipps regulations as a denial of security of tenure, a source of increased costs and an abuse of the Governors powers (through his use of regulation rather than legislation). Opposition t[...]as the "Gentry". Rather than go into the details of this (see Abbott 1971: 158-176; Buckley 1956, 195[...]itical campaign that followed marks the emergence of the squatters as a political group. In discussin[...]y a piper and band, they rode through the streets of Melbourne to make their protest. In the evening, some 300 of wealth, rank and beauty attended a grand ball aft[...]in the town were broken and the Pastoral Society of Australia Felix was formed (Kiddle 1962:16[...] |
| of tenure and of the investments made in improving their runs. Th[...]mpaign, the squatters were supported by a variety of other groups such as merchants, small squatters,[...]5) have discussed the reasons for this wide range of support. Abbott sums up this discussion by conclu[...]the time) and thus had an interest in the success of pastoralism (1971 : 166). The Gentry supported th[...]itially as they had similar interests and because of the way Gipps tried to introduce the regulations[...]though opposed to Gipp's land policy, led a group of Gentry to condemn the violent verbal attacks on Gipps and the integrity of his office (Ward 1981:145-146). Roe argued that as the[...]than for the common good and this alienated many of their supporters. He quotes Robert Lowe, then a prominent member of the Legislative Council as saying "He thought the[...]by An Act to amend an Act for regulating the sale of Waste Lands belonging to the Crown in the Austral[...]on for the management thereof (9 & 10 Vic c. 104) of 1846 was passed in England42 and brought into operation through the Orders in Council of 1847.43 The Orders in Council divided NSW into th[...]cluded the original 19 counties plus the counties of Macquarie and Stanley, three miles inland from th[...]s was helped by political changes in the position of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. ‘2 Otherwise ca[...] |
| [...]he remainder (afier removing settled districts) of the counties of Norrnanby, Grant and Bourke as well as Gippsland. Afier 1848, the Western District was included. Runs of up to 1600 acres could be leased for 8 years with[...]3) Unsettled Districts: which comprised the rest of NSW as it then was. Leases for 14 years could be granted for each run of 3200 acres. The Orders in Council empowered the[...]eases for runs to anyone he saw fit for duration of up to 14 years. The use of the run was for pastoral purposes but the lessee[...]for the family and establishment. A minimum rent of £10 in advance was payable with an additional £2-10 for each 1000 sheep above 4000 based on an estimate of the capability of each run to stock sheep. During the term of the lease, the land was not open to purchasers ot[...]res in area. The land was sold at a minimum price of £1 per acre. Each lot was to be rectangular in form with at least two sides of the lot had to be aligned to the cardinal points of the compass. No lot was to have more than 440 yards of frontage for every 160 acres. If a lease expired,[...]hase at the unimproved value. Otherwise the value of improvement was estimated and added to the value of the upset price of the land. If the land was sold, the former lessee received the value of improvements. As part of the Orders in Council, the squatting runs had to be described, assessed and licensed. The descriptions of runs were printed in the Government Gazette throu[...]ase line information for the squatting occupation of NSW and Victoria (see Billis and Kenyon 1974; Cam[...]England region and many local histories have maps of squatting runs based on the 1848 Gazettes. The s[...]capital improvements on the land with some degree of security for their investment. However, others viewed the outcome of the 1846 Act as locking up land, which should hav[...]uatters. Thus, the 1846 Act marked the beginnings of the free selection movement (see Chapter 4). The Consolidation of squatting The decade of the 18405 was, in addition to economic woes and p[...]ttling down. The traditional historical accounts of 18405 emphasise that the new form of tenure following the passing of the Waste Lands Occupation Act allowed the[...] |
| [...]ly any squatters as yet attempted to buy any part of their runs” (1962: 1 71) but then notes that “building of substantial home stations in stone was rare befor[...](1962:171). Kiddle goes on to note three examples of stone house construction45 but curiously Golf Hil[...]ad received word from England" about the question of tenure. An alternative view might be that afier[...]dation could take place. They knew the capability of their runs and the economics of grazing so they could afford to upgrade their housing. One might go further to argue that construction of a good house might be one way of expressing the respectability of squatting and therefore the need for the Government to treat squatters “fairly”. The construction of good houses in the mid- 1840s during the struggle with Governor Gipps might be part of a broad political strategy based on the importance of the wool industry to Australia and the respectable nature of squatters. The evidence of colonial statistics would be one way of testing this idea but as the collection districts and information categories vary with each round of data collection colonial statistics are notoriously difficult to work with. The 1841 Census shows that of the 356 houses outside the County of Bourke (which included the town of Melboume) there were only 17 houses of brick or stone. This proportion (about 5%) seems[...]han the census data for other squatting districts of NSW as there are 10 brick houses recorded for the rest of NSW outside Sydney! Of course building material is only an extremely rou[...]ansion. Another important factor in the creation of more substantial houses was the age of the squatters. As many squatters arrived in Austr[...]marry. Once marriage occurred then the influence of the wife was thought to “improve” both the sq[...]o purchase pre- emptive rights and had the option of purchasing at auction any parts of their runs surveyed and put up for sale it is dif[...]ell notes that squatters had made large purchases of freehold land in the Western District and on the[...]ly any squatters as yet attempted to buy any part of their run” (19621171). For NSW there is little information on the extent of pre-selection purchases of runs.46 There are some statistics on the acres of land alienated under pre- ‘4 This security was based on the pre-emptive right and the promise of leases. ‘5 For those not familiar with W[...] |
| [...]ent listing the land alienated from the beginning of responsible government (1856) to 1860. This return gives some indication of the extent to which squatters were actually purch[...]most common purchase was for 160 acres, a quarter of a square mile and most purchases (221) were of either the square mile or half or quarter mile blocks indicating the performance of this unit. Analysis of the unit sizes shows two distributions one of small lots and one of larger lots. The small lots would be the result of pre—emptive purchases of town or village allotments. This is where a villa[...]nd purchased as pre-emptive right is less than 1% of the relevant district even in the Macleay and the[...]intensive. This suggests that While 159,853 acres of land were sold this was a very small portion of the land in squatting districts. Table 3.1 Land sold in NSW 1856-1860 Acres sold No of lots Average size sold - Pastoral district Area of District (square miles) Percent of common lot District[...]um Land sales depended on the slow progress of land survey. First the surveyor had to survey an[...]he squatters were able to purchase surveyed parts of |
| [...]rare occurrence in NSW and Victoria as the speed of the survey of land was very slow due to the limited number of surveyors employed by the Government. In other areas, large tracts of freehold land were purchased outright. The Austin[...]om the Government and from the initial purchasers of small blocks. They displaced smaller squatters su[...]d within the settled districts.47 Another method of consolidating runs was by applying for a Special[...]by Lord Russell, which existed for a short period of time before pressure from Governor Gipps forced a[...]968:108-109, 208-209). These allowed larges areas of land to be sold and the unfortunate squatters wer[...]W.J. Clarke used a similar provision in the Sale of Crown Lands Act (5 & 6 Vic c.36 1842) to arrange[...]en him and the government to purchase 31375 acres of land. In doing so, he displaced six established squatters including John Aitken who had been one of the original overstraiters in 1836. Clark’s pur[...]ndera where Gammage noted that with the gazetting of the run boundaries in 1848 every one of the Sydney based squatters in the district disputed their boundaries. Gammage also points to the use of squatters connections with “Officials” (by virtue of their social status) to draw boundaries favourabl[...]there are few historical studies with the detail of Gammage so whether this was the situation all over NSW and Victoria is not clear. A further function of consolidation was that of the squatters actually realising what the land in[...]ns argues there was a notable change in the ratio of sheep to cattle between 1839 and 1848. Cattle req[...]to maintain, however the big problem was the lack of a market for cattle. Jeans notes that the major m[...]areas sheep suffered from footrot. Consideration of these factors, often not apparent until several years experience on the land resulted in the emergence of regional differences. Jeans presents this[...] |
| [...]7 & 28). There appears to be a decline in numbers of cattle in the Monaro, Murrumbidgee, Lachlan and B[...]sheep. It also should be noted that the boundary of pastoral expansion was in the 18405 roughly the edge of the Central division of NSW and there was little settlement in the Western division of NSW of the Mallee or Wimmera regions of Victoria. WHO WERE THE SQUATTERS? Who were the[...]rown land without permission or after the passing of the Crown Lands Occupation Act with a licence. However, there were degrees of squatting and squatters were not a homogenous group. The first popular use, from the mid-18205, of the term "squatter" referred to mainly ex-convict[...]in a particular area. They were commonly accused of stealing cattle and sheep, buying and selling sto[...]es to squatting other than the illegal occupation of land (Fletcher 1989:272). As Governor Bourke poin[...]rsons familiarly called squatters are the objects of great animosity on the part of the wealthier settlers. As regards, however, the unauthorised occupation of waste lands, it must be confessed that these Squatters are only following in the steps of all the most influential and unexceptional Colon[...]e everywhere to be found side by side with those of the obnoxious squatter and held on no better titl[...]tcher suggests, as Governor Bourke was suspicious of the motives of the large landowners in the colony in protesting against the evils of squatting, official action against squatting was not swifi. A[...]origins stretched back to the first twenty years of the colony, the second being a group of free emigrants arriving in the 1820s and 18305 ([...]. Both groups shared common attitudes and notions of respectability (1965240). However, there was tension |
| [...]stile (1965:49). However squatting posed a series of divided loyalties largely because so many of the Gentry were squatting themselves. Roe argues[...]acceptable only when brought within the framework of land ownership and attachment to land" (1965:51). Roe's view of the squatters is entirely negative. The squatters[...]Aborigines, the working class and the orderly use of land (Roe 1965:61-75). He wrote "(the squatters) must appear not as heroes of the golden fleece or happy spirits of the wilderness, but as men acting without grace o[...]more weight" (1965261). De Serville in his study of "Good society in Melbourne", where there was no p[...]d the respectable men was marked by the exclusion of the respectable from "good society" (the exclusio[...]espectable survived the tough economic conditions of those times to enter "good society" as the squatt[...]hur's position). Afier all if Abbot’s analysis of the pastoral industry is correct then the main profit in the industry was found in the selling of surplus stock to new squatters (1971:108-125), so the squatters were business associates of the Gentry rather than criminals. Moreover, they shared the same value of respectability which was incorporated into the Wa[...]cupation Act as the requirement that squatters be of “good character”. This emerging class of respectable squatters became the squattocracy. Tw[...]Capital Abbott has made a comprehensive analysis of the economics of the wool industry. Abbot presented data on the costs and returns of the wool industry from a variety of contemporary sources (1971:108-125). These showed[...]o £2000 to establish a run depending on the size of the run and its location. There was also the annual cost of producing the wool. The gist of Abbott's argument is that the main source of profit in the industry was due to the sale of surplus stock rather than purely by sale of wool. The costs ofof sources. Some came from successful colonia[...] |
| how some of this money in fact came from the investment by Australian agents for British traders of the profits from their trading operations. These[...]onial borrowing raised some capital. The majority of capital came from overseas in the form of personal, family or company capital (Connell and[...]is large pastoral interests came with the capital of the Royal Bank behind him. George Russell squatted in Victoria as manager of the Clyde Company, a company formed by Scottish c[...]is also worth reflecting on Abbott’s evidence of the poor rate of return on investment in the wool industry (1971 :[...]ocracy may have been relatively well off in terms of assets but they were cash poor, a factor that wou[...]ave in abundance was access to land, as a licence of a run cost only £10 annually and, until the Orders in Council, the size of the run was unlimited. Thus, a large pastoral est[...]ing the runs and so on. Character The character of an individual was expressed in terms of respectability. Respectability was the underpinning of the squatter’s status; it is what separated the[...]ry defines respectable as “worthy or deserving of respect by reason of some inherent quality or qualities” or alternatively “of good or fair social standing and having the moral[...]is defined as “the state quality or condition of being respectable in point of character or social standing”. Respectability must be seen in the context of what the particular qualities of character or social standing were at any particul[...]ry between social groups at any one time and also of course over time as well. The “inherent qualiti[...]eement by historians that there is a distinct set of “Victorian values” that relate in large way t[...]” and “genteel”, referring to the qualities of both breeding and birth that are of course part of respectability. I have chosen to use respe[...] |
| 75 adherence to the “cult of domesticity” is what makes an individual respec[...]on in Appendix Two). Respectability was a series of values shared between the Gentry and some of the Squatters although some respectable squatters were excluded from "Good Society" because of their lack of rank, both classes excluded the lower classes because of their lack or rank and respectability. Respectability seems to involve a sense of maintaining civilised standards such as manners (and other forms of proper behaviour), education, polite conversation, taste and some sense of public duty.49 Importantly it included adherence to the “cult of domesticity”. By being respectable, the squatte[...]al advancement in later years. In a recent study of Arrnidale on the New England tablelands, Ferry ar[...]ng (1999: 128-134). Ferry argues that the origins of this ideology lie in part in the extreme gender imbalance in the New England district of 622 adult men for each 100 adult women. Certainly Ferry’s argument would hold true for much of the squatting territories as a similar gender imbalance existed across much of South-eastem Australia. Greater attention to squ[...]respectable squatters who had an alternative way of life based on what Ferry calls the “ideology of respectability”. From the pioneering period som[...]ng activity) written in 1837 shows the influence of the domestic ideology in particular in his commen[...]diggers, would have been attracted by the freedom of restraint squatting had. As Goodman argues for go[...]on 26th September 1853 (Bride 1969) made a number of interesting remarks about his life as a squatter. Although his comments on the changes to the environment of his run are well known, he also discussed his fellow squatters. “Numbers of the young gentlemen who came out to this colony a[...]way in which they managed their sheep farms. Few of them knew anything of mechanics, and they were totally unable to make comfort for themselves or their servants. In consequence of which they fell back lower in morality and energy than many of their men, for dirt and filth were noticeable 49 Much of the criticism of the squatters from the Gentry was based on the sq[...]with Governor Gipps (see Roe 1965:75). The Gentry of course masked their self-interest with the veil of “public good”. |
| [...]if the owner was looking out through a large wisp of hair on his face. The three eventful years, which will be long remembered in this colony, of 1841-2-3, swept off most of these young gentlemen with their herds and all. .[...]is placed on appearance and husbandry as a mirror of an individual's moral state. In short, ones chara[...]ones actions, ones appearance, and ones husbandry of ones property. Thus the respectable squatter, one who was on his way to becoming a member of the squattocracy, would express his respectability or character through the medium of the squatting landscape through speech, gesture,[...]accounts can give us access to the squatter modes of respectable behaviour in particular non-material elements such as speech. Historical archaeological analysis of the landscape can access material aspects of how squatters expressed their respectability through their husbandry of the landscape. SQUATTING LANDSCAPES Pre-squatting landscapes There are two categories of pre-squatting landscapes. Firstly, there are the landscapes created since 1788 within the limits of location. These were created as an outcome of the development of agriculture discussed above. In terms of squatting the larger estates refined the technique of sheep and cattle farming in Australia, which was then applied beyond the limits of location. The second pre-squatting landscape is of course that created as a result of Aboriginal settlement. Studies of Aboriginal settlement at the contact period are n[...]to a sophisticated understanding and manipulation of their environment through activities such as cons[...]hen asked, have demonstrated a detailed knowledge of the use of fire to maintain and expand desirable ecosystems[...]n regularly burning the landscape throughout much ofof squatting is that Aboriginal burning patterns wer[...]50 Fire Stick farming has almost become a cliché of Australian environmental history (Pyne 1991). One of the best studies is by Chris Haynes (1985) as he[...]the view that Aborigines were living in some form of the “Garden of Eden“ (Lines 1991). My own work on fire[...] |
| 77 all squatters had to do in terms of adapting the Aboriginal landscape to squatting was to get rid of the Aborigines. Removing the Aborigines was not an easy task particularly as the top levels of government were concerned that Aboriginal rights[...]on occasion were prepared to attempt prosecution of squatters for murder. The squatters were concerne[...]e maintained and this ofien required the removal of Aborigines. This process is quite well documented for example in the studies of Christie (1979), Corris (1968), Milleas (1992) and in the published journals of the Protector of Aborigines in Victoria, George Augustus Robinson. Pioneering Settlement of South-Eastem Australia shows a common pattern. Fi[...]' Settlement seems to have moved down the valleys of major rivers rather than across catchment boundaries unless necessary. The initial layout of a squatting run was similar across South-Eastem A[...]a simple hut and stock yard with perhaps an area of cultivation around it. This was the homestead or[...]or ridge lines. Where this was not possible lines of blazed trees or plough lines were used to mark a[...]mustered when required. Large scale modification of the landscape was not attempted partly because of the lack of tenure and partly because grazing did not require much in the way of technology; a few shepherds huts, some folds for[...]as required (see Abbott 1971 :Chapter 4). As much of the land occupied was well grassed, there was lit[...]s flood levels. Wool sheds replaced the practice of shearing in the open. Freeman quotes Curr’s description of his woolshed (circa 1841) “as being a common bark building” and also points to woolsheds of the same era being thatch and slab construction (Freeman 1980:13). There was also the question of wool washing. The idea was to wash the various impurities out of the wool before shipment for sale. Initial[...] |
| [...]le demonstrates that even during this early phase of squatting the squatters developed a range of sheep washes ranging from a simply driving the sheep through running water to a sophisticated system of spouts and warm water established by the Learmont[...]1962:71-72). Overseers or managers occupied many of the runs on behalf of squatting interests located well inside the limits of location. Given the fragmentary nature of the historical records it is impossible to quantify the precise numbers of managed runs versus owner occupied runs but manag[...]er in overall number. However, significant areas of owner occupied runs can be identified, Port Phil[...]at the squatters. They were most likely a mixture of emancipists, convicts and currency lads, in other words, not a respectable class of people. There would have been little incentive fo[...]1828 Census A Murrumbidgee River. I) Pebbly bed of river. B Tumat River. c High Banks. C Creek. (1 High declivities of hills. D Wheat paddock. e Low reedy bank.[...] |
| [...]f.53 Coopers watercolours also reflect something of the diverse nature of squatters. He was not a bluff and hearty, unrefi[...]e refined matters such as art. The first series of paintings and sketches, from January 1842 when th[...]eys during 1842. There is nothing else in the way of infrastructure in the landscape. The flocks would[...]shows the “second hut” which formed the basis of the head station at Challicum (Brown 1987: Plate[...]watercolour (Plate 10) show three distinct groups of buildings. A core group around the main hut consists of the but and separate kitchen with a store and car[...]ill and at some distance was the woolshed. Detail of the woolshed by the creek is shown in Plates 12 a[...]ts” emerged. This is in line with the principal of separating work and workers from the respectable[...]nstructed in 1845. This involved the construction of a larger building in front of the second hut. This larger building was of weatherboards with shingle roof. Its front was de[...]dings is a substantial garden that shows evidence of some design although it is in essence practical.[...]slabs driven into the ground. This has the effect of forming a ha- ha. On one side garden beds[...] |
| [...]An undated painting (but after the construction of the final hut) Plate 25, shows men at work in an extensive cultivation paddock adjacent and to the rear of the homestead group. Finally, Cooper painted a panorama of the run from the Homestead (no date is given). The landscape of the run is shown as mainly open plains with rolling hills and patches of open forest. Several out-stations are shown in th[...]well as shepherds and their flock. Small groups of cattle are shown grazing. An Aboriginal en[...] |
| [...]e run is not shown as being heroically carved out of the environment but more as naturally occurring t[...]he images run off into the distance with no sense of any boundary between Challicum and the neighbouri[...]forms a core from which small nuclei in the form of the out-station huts radiate. The landscape around the homestead from the time of the “second hut” is physically bounded into w[...]d masters area. The third hut and the development of men’s quarters by 1845 reinforces this. The ha-[...]mall drawbridge. From the educated visitors point of view the garden would have looked quite well orde[...]thes shown in two images as well as the behaviour ofof an extensively developed pastoral property with s[...]hat they could not develop their runs due to lack of tenure. Yet Coopers sketches along with other ill[...]prepared to invest in their runs despite the lack of secure tenure. Fur example, the sketches of Emma von Stieglitz show the development of the runs occupied by her brother and her husband. In particular her “Interior of a Squatters Hut and Port Phillip 1841” shows a solid building well fitted with the comforts of home including numerous books and a writing desk.[...]lated material culture and relating to the values of muscular Christianity. Visitors to the hut or house of such a squatter would be in no doubt through the material culture encountered of the squatter’s station and rank. |
| Figure 3.16 View from the Window of Hut, Challicum, 1850 |
| Figure 3.17 Interior of a Squatters But at Port Phillip, 1841 Charles No[...]Alexander Dennistoun Lang show the establishment of a garden and carriage loop and the well-fumished[...]hings books and writing implements. The exteriors ofof tenure. |
| 87 edge of the frontier the squatters were projecting their social position in the form of material culture and in their husbandry of the run. CONCLUSION The main process underlying development and expansion of the pioneering period of squatting was the successful development of the wool industry, which offered the enterprising[...]on a small capital outlay. Squatting was a result of the expansion of the wool industry colliding with the land policy of the Crown that sought to limit expansion. The result was in favour of expansion especially as it was comparatively easy to move beyond the limits of location and take up a run. Squatting offered cheap land (but no security of tenure) and the promise of good profits and in the 18303 took on the characteristics of a speculative boom. The boom resulted in the squatting occupation of most of the available grasslands in South-Eastem Australi[...]s, had established tenure for their runs and much of South-Eastem Australia was held under squatting l[...]g at squatting landscapes, the rudimentary nature of a squatting run has often been emphasised. Howeve[...]nding landscape, displayed the respectable nature of the squatter. It is this desire to be seen as res[...]eople pursuing the economic and moral improvement of the “waste” land by taking up the land and gr[...]by the Governors, firstly forced the sanctioning of squatting in 1836 when the Colonial government was forced to recognise the defacto settlement of South-Eastem Australia and bring it under control. Secondly it was used to argue for some more secure form of tenure for squatting in the 1840s, although in this case the view of Governor Gipps differed from those of the squatters as to the form and implementation of this tenure. Thus, the broad processes forming squatting landscapes are the economics of the wool industry (and to some extent cattle graz[...]to be seen as “respectable” and lands policy of the Colonial government. These operated on a land[...]run to have established a head station consisting of crude huts or tents and for the sheep flocks (of 500 to 1000 sheep) to be located in out-stations across the landscape area. The boundaries of runs were established on natural features or mark[...]nment was readily adapted to grazing. Small areas of cultivation were established adjacent to the head[...]ide some vegetables to add to the relentless diet of meat. |
| The phase of pioneering seems to have been comparatively short[...]d writing as well as the more sporting activities of squatting such as chasing stock and shooting things. This period of construction marks the end of the pioneering phase on a squatting run. Typically this occurs much earlier than the usually given date of 1848 when squatters were given security of tenure. Thus while the pioneering of squatting runs across South—Eastern Australia o[...]eriod on each run was comparatively short as some of the squatters moved to assert their respec[...] |
| [...]ralia Hurrah for Australia the golden, Where men of all nations now toil, To none will e’er be beho[...]o poverty here to distress us, “Tis the country of true liberty, No proud lords can oppress us, Bu[...]Then hurrah for Australia the golden, Where men of all nations now toil, To none will e’er be beho[...]or a home in the vast wilderness, Whilst millions of acres are lying In their primitive wild wildernes[...]5) INTRODUCTION This chapter traces the history of squatting from the period of consolidation until the period after the depression and drought of the 1890s. Looking forward from 1848 the squatter[...]ul life made secure by their leases and the right of pre-emption with only the traditional Australian devils of drought and flood to give any cause for c[...] |
| 91 There are two themes in this chapter: the development of the selection movement, and the further development of the squatting and the pastoral industry as a whol[...]selectors alike. Unfortunately, an understanding of how this affected the landscape requires a detailed and somewhat technical description of the land legislation in order to trace the change[...]so on the landscape, both in the actual selection of land and in the way the selection legislation worked in the landscape. The second theme is the development of pastoral industry during this period. The squatters moved into the arid regions of Westem NSW and the channel country of Queensland. This land was a different environment[...]ly adaptable to grazing as the more grassed areas of South—Eastern Australia and in the 1890s the combination of rabbits and severe drought ruined many of the squatters in the arid region. The chapter con[...]undamentally changed by selection and the effects of the depression and droughts of the 1890s. Squatting and responsible government “Responsible government” refers to the granting of constitutions to the States and the establishment of parliamentary government by the United Kingdom as[...]he British Government in London to the government of the states of Australia. Therefore the tenure of the squatters was in the hands of the various state governments and their electors, notably New South Wales and Victoria in which most of the squatting heartland lay. However, the squatte[...]tation in the NSW Legislative Council. The onset of responsible government was preceded by the separation of Victoria from NSW in July 1851. Agitation for sep[...]nd soon there were complaints about the imbalance of revenue collected in Port Phillip versus the expenditure of the Government on infrastructure there (Shaw 1996[...]in the reconstituted blended Legislative Council of 1842 (five members from Port Phillip and one from Melbourne) the difficulties of attending meetings in Sydney were obvious from th[...]their discontent by electing Lord Grey, Secretary of the Colonial Office, to the Council (Shaw 1996:246). Confirmation of 55 Indeed the Port Phillip Association ag[...] |
| [...]ct (13 & 14 Vic c59) which allowed the separation of Victoria, the establishment of blended Legislative Councils, extended the franchise to landholders who had six months tenure of a freehold estate of £100 or occupation of a dwelling of £10 annual value or leasehold or tenure of a pastoral run. The Colonies were empowered, with the consent of the Queen in Council, to alter the electoral laws[...]d 1976:294-295). As Ward noted this lefi “part of the constitutional future of the colonies in their own hands, subject to royal assent” (1976:296). The instigator of responsible government was the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Duke of Newcastle.56 On the 5th August 1853, the Secretary of State for the Colonies informed the Governors of NSW, Victoria, South Australia and Van Diemen’s Land that the recent discoveries of gold had made it become urgent that powers of self government be granted to the colonies. This[...]isions about their own affairs. The establishment of responsible government had obvious issues for squatters who afier all were tenants of the Crown and therefore more vulnerable to the whims of Government than owners of freehold land. In NSW the Legislative Council had already acted with the Electoral Act of 1851 which was brought into the Legislative Council to implement the reforms of the Australian Colonies Government Act. These ame[...](Ward 1981 :170-171). In 1852, a select committee of the Legislative Council began to formulate a new[...]According to Ward, the Council although in favour of responsible government did not want party governm[...]oured by W.C. Wentworth was for the establishment of a hereditary aristocracy.58 Opposition to the pro[...]cil was great and was carried over to the lobbies of the House of Commons where former liberal Council member Rober[...]oreign affairs and defence powers for example and of course even today we still have their wretched Qu[...]rgued that the main qualification for membership of this aristocracy should be the possession of a huge Wellingtonian like nose, “pack our nominee chamber with noses of such amplitude and consequently of such roaring stemutational power, that one and twenty of them might even discharge (if need were) on the anniversary of a coronation, or what not, a very satisfactory and right royal salute, to the public saving of much excellent gunpowder”. |
| [...]surprisingly easy to overcome. As the appointment of members was in the hands of the Crown as advised by the Premier of the day, it proved feasible to threaten to “swa[...]er free selection. Furthermore, after the passing of the Election Act of 1858 (22 Vic.c. 20), the property qualification[...]undamentally weakened the legislative power base of the squatters as it allowed anti-squatter forces[...], Geelong, and surrounding counties which had 70% of the population had 8 of 20 seats (i. e. 40% of seats). However this gerrymandering “produced a[...]an upper house to check the democratic ambitions of the lower house. In Victoria, Wentworth’s suggestion of a nominated Upper House or the creation of an aristocracy was rejected in favour of a property qualification for electors. This entrenched the conservative nature of the Legislative Council. “Time was to prove the good judgement of the Victorian founding fathers; for, whereas by 1[...]already crying out in agony against the ministry of the day ‘sweeping the streets of Sydney’ to ‘swamp’ the Legislative Council,[...]rty franchise where voters had to hold £50 worth of property or equivalent. This was later broadened to include holders of miner’s rights. The property qualification for[...]ed in 1855 (18 &19 Vic CS4, 18 &19 Vic c55). One of the more useful acts of the first Victorian Parliament was to modify the[...]erty qualification for voters. This was the work of political maverick Charles Gavan Duffy, an Ulster Catholic and advocate of the “Irish cause” especially the Irish land q[...]ctoria his intellectual vigour and the experience of having been a member of the House of Commons. Duffy migrated to Victoria in 1856 (Sear[...]o abolish the property qualification for members of the Assembly, which was passed in 1857. The legis[...]1857. A longer battle was fought over the nature of electorates in 1858. Reform legislation was passe[...]d the “diggings vote” to about half the value of votes in electorates outside the gold |
| 94 diggings. The concern was that the interests of the diggers, due to their large numbers, would swamp the legitimate interests of the rest of the Colony (Searle 19632282). To conclude, both[...]rymandered so that it could obstruct the business of the Assembly. In contrast, the Lower House in NSW[...]pointees. Importantly both States now had control of land administration. This means that through Parl[...]ouses. The Gold Rushes The unexpected discovery of gold, first near Bathurst in New South Wales and[...]in 1851, turned both colonies upside down. Finds of gold in Australia had been made from 1838 and gen[...]ut” (Blainey 196428) represent the general view of government and the squatters that with the discovery of gold, social disorder would follow. They were not far wrong as far as the existing order of pastoralism was concerned. William Forlonge, a p[...]rs, Merchants, Squatters, all, all seem in a maze of bewilderment”. Forlonge claimed that all his te[...]term F orlonge saw that the squatter’s monopoly of land would prove to be of greater economic benefit to them than the gold f[...]Forlonge, 30 December 1851). The initial impact of gold for some squatters was disastrous when gold[...]orth and the Ovens Valley) virtually lost control of their runs as miners invaded and dug up their run[...]ect effects were digging up the ground, discharge of sediment into creeks, dislocation of water supply into creeks and so on, rendering the[...]have become diggers, although in the later period of company mining some, such as the 59 Whose[...] |
| [...]Many squatters however, visited the diggings out of curiosity. It was fortunate for the government that so much of the goldfields were Crown Land (1'. e. Crown Lan[...]irectly displaced by the Gold rushes. The result of the gold rush for most squatters was a shortage of labour as labourers deserted to the diggings. Despite the provisions of the Masters and Servants Act, which bound servant[...]police deserting to the diggings. In the absence of labourers, Squatters, Chinese, Aborigines, Lunati[...]ed from 1851 to 1853 (1 961 : 199). The high cost of labour rekindled interest in fencing as one way of controlling flocks and reducing the need for she[...]rticularly for runs near the diggings as the sale ofof the available labour. An obvious choice was to tu[...]ine managers had mislead them as to the prospects of the mine. The Leannonth’s then lost even more m[...]the lists, possibly this was Robert McDonald one of David Camerons executers, Searle says McDo[...] |
| 96 mostly held under squatting title and herein lies one of the underlying forces driving the selection movement. Thus by the 18605 two of the elements driving selection were in place: a l[...]to make laws about land. At the same time, much of the available land was held by the squatters unde[...]NSION INTO THE WEST In Chapter 3, the discussion of the expansion of squatting was left with the squatters looking at the land now known as the Western Division of NSW or the Western Plains. Squatting expansion in[...]. The squatters were also faced with the prospect of taking up country seemingly hostile to settlement[...]in the initial squatter expansion from the limits of location. Faced with this squatters had to learn[...]lains was slow and further limited by the effects of the 18403 depression that cut funds for pastoral expansion. The geography of the Riverina and the Western Plains is dominated[...]rs, the Murray (which forms the southern boundary of the Riverina), the Darling, the Murrumbidgee and[...]were in the Pleistocene, the former main courses of these rivers. In between these streams are broad alluvial plains devoid of trees and water. The One-Tree Plain is between th[...]etween the Murrumbidgee and Billabong Creek. West of the Lachlan is the Darling River which curves from the western side of the Darling Downs and the New England Tablelands[...]it joins the Murray River at the south west comer of NSW. A simplistic, but easy to understand approac[...]unsuitable for squatting settlement. Settlement of the western Riverina proceeded by following along[...]in 1840 and by 1845 Paika just below the junction of the Murrumbidgee and the Lachlan had been establi[...]uatting runs. Settlement had reached the junction of the Darling and the Murray by 1847 and squatting[...]ly taken up along the Darling to the present site of Menindee (Shaw 1987216). 63 The One Tree[...] |
| [...]ot seen as suitable for squatting due to the lack of water. Such areas were largely unoccupied up to t[...]reek resulted in one member, a Mr. Stewart, dying of thirst. This experience was typical of exploring parties moving from river system to river system across the plains. The geography of the rivers also helped exploration and settlement[...]d to do. Langford-Srnith made a rough comparison of grazing licences issued in the Murrumbidgee, Lach[...]claims in 1848. This demonstrated the rapid pace of settlement in the Lachlan and Murrumbidgee distri[...]than 50% increase in both areas (1968:108). Much of this land was along river frontages (of which the Murrumbidgee District had more d[...] |
| [...]oving up the Darling and by 1851, the future site of Wilcannia township was occupied (Shaw 1987: 14-15[...]y 1847 settlements were established on both banks of the Barwon and on rivers flowing into it from th[...]cattle and Heathcote points out the difficulties of moving cattle to market especially in the drought[...]ng through the Warrego country. A similar pattern of exploration and occupation was occurring further[...]squatters were exploring the country to the north of the small towns of Menindee and Wilcannia in 1860-61 (Shaw 1987;20-[...]wing squatting interest in these areas Government officials in the form of Commissioners for Crown Lands or surveyors moved[...]ering as pastoral runs. Shaw’s detailed history of Yancannia Creek, a run to the north of the Darling, shows that virtually as soon as the[...]urne (1987:39). Heathcote notes a similar pattern of settlement in the Warrego in the period 1859-1865[...]up runs on the plains and lasted until the onset of drought in 1865. The resulting severe shakeout led to a retreat of settlement to the river frontages (1965:102-03). Shaw quotes a detailed account of Yancannia Creek (then called Toorwotto) prepared[...]mbidgee. By 1841, settlement had reached the area of Lake Cargelligo (Cannon 1992:32). Settlement must[...]n the Lachlan from there and up from the junction of the Murrumbidgee but no historical work seems to have been done to outline the process of settlement. Freeman however notes that settlement at the junction of the Lachlan and Murrumbidgee dates from 18[...] |
| [...]ivision run, Yancannia Creek in 1867 The process of settlement seems similar in each case. Initial ex[...]attern expressed on the cadastral maps consisting of runs orientated to the frontages of streams and then a series of blocks orientated to the cardinal points o[...] |
| Figure 4.3 Pattern of Runs on the Lachlan near Hillston The settlement[...]ling river system was assisted by the development of the riverboat traffic. In 1853, steam-powered ri[...]verboat trade actually centred itself on the town of Echuca where transport to Melbourne was relativel[...]ments and was a suitable and cost effective means of transporting a wool clip to the ports. The conne[...], the capital, was reinforced by the construction of the railway to Bendigo and then to Echuca (1864)[...]networks. This transportation network linked much of the Riverina and Western NSW with Melbourne rather than Sydney the capital of NSW. An investment network paralleled the transpo[...]uatters into squatting runs in those areas. It is of no surprise to find the Premier of Victoria owning a pastoral station in the Riverina. By the mid—18605, the pastoral occupation of South-Eastem Australia was largely complete. The[...]hen reliable statistics allow some understanding of the nature of the pastoral industry across South-Eastem Austral[...]situation as Australia having a sheep population of 16.7 million 1" |
| [...]equal sized flocks while Queensland had a flock of 4.3 million or 25% of the total. In Victoria, the flocks were mainly i[...]ral and Gippsland districts. In NSW, the majority of the sheep (65%) were in the Eastern Division (which included the Monaro and New England). Some 33% of sheep were in the Central Division mostly south of the Lachlan (Le. the Riverina). Only 5.8% of the sheep were in the Western Division. In Queensland 80% of the sheep were in the Darling Downs or on the Coast while a small number were in the bits of the Warrego in Queensland 03utlin 1962284). In co[...]zing seem to be dominant in the Central Division of NSW north of the Lachlan, in the Western Division and on the c[...]65 and the associated “land debates” were one of the major political issues of mid-to-late nineteenth-century Australian politic[...]engaged in agriculture. While the initial period of the land debates from the 1850s to the mid-18605 concerned the process of establishing selection, in the remaining period, the debate revolved around the effectiveness of the various selection acts in achieving the aims of putting “bona fide” small farmers onto the l[...]- “the yeoman myth” and the varying attempts of government to translate the ideology to physical[...]ation. The "Yeoman Myth" was based on the notion of the small farmer as the basic social and economic[...]at Agincourt. Lake has commented "the invocation of the yeoman ideal grow out of an idealised memory of England. There is some irony in the fact that Aus[...]other rural workers. They were seen as the heart of England and in Australia, the establishment of the small farmers as yeomen was seen as having a[...]ement came to be used which referred to an aspect of selection in which the government resumed pastora[...]mplementing the “Yeoman Myth”. Thus, the aims of selection persisted for over a century. |
| [...]Clark seems to have seen selection as an outcome of the grth of the bourgeoisie, again as a result of the gold rush, and the general push for equality[...]have followed this route although the involvement of some reformers in the Chartist movement has been[...]d a challenge to the whole historiographic notion of selection by arguing that the Robertson Land Acts[...]on movement is seen in Bakers article as an agent of the rising middle class. There are shades of similar arguments about the rise ofof the middle class in the selection movement, it is[...]owever he seems to ignore the middle class nature of the squattocracy. What is not clear in these exp[...]been discussed is Victorian-era culture. At heart of the yeoman myth is the concept of domesticity. What is more domestic than the ideal of the home with the woman hard at work looking afte[...]ily by his hard work. The yeoman myth is the cult of domesticity as applied to an idealised conception of the selector and the Australian landscape. Select[...]is not some yearning for a fading England but one of the central “Victorian values” that formed the culture of the time. This helps explain why there is evident[...]ctors (and indeed were playing out their own form of domesticity as expressed in squatter’s respecta[...]the Victorian goldfields has shown that the cult of domesticity was well entrenched in Australian soc[...]eal stands in opposition to the masculine freedom of the bush that was realised in life on the goldfi[...]tension this argument would also apply to aspects of early squatting (c/f Ferry 1999). |
| [...]ideal involved in its rural application some form of farm, a difficult prospect when most of the land was held by the squatters. The difficu[...]selection. This would spell the ruin and failure of their domestic aims and squatters acted to oppose[...]society struggling to live out the same ideology of domesticity. This explains why explanations in cl[...]xample by passing the legislation); they approved of the principle but not its practice. It is import[...]is not surprising given the international spread of the cult of domesticity. Agitation for selection began in 1853 but it was not until the end of the 1850s that political campaigns for universal[...]ll 1970:64). Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the rhetoric of selection was its divorce from the physical landscape. The successes of any farming or grazing movement must rely on the environment for the creation of wealth. Thus, the success of selection was dependent on the physical features of the landscape in which it occurred. Yet, little a[...]nvironmental conditions. Similarly, the economics of small farming were barely considered. In 1860, th[...]all producers could sell produce into the markets of the large towns and export to the United Kingdom.[...]elect at all but it seems clear that the ideology of domesticity - “a vote, a rifle and a farm was[...]:296-300) — seemed to override the practicality of actually making a life. |
| [...]ing to allow selection on Crown Land. The process of translation was contested by the squatters both in Parliament and in the country where the application of the legislation was contested by a variety of means. The legislation and its working within a p[...]it is really impossible to understand the process of selection and the squatting response without a detailed explanation of the legislation that implemented the ideals of selection. In this thesis, the discussion has foc[...]rliaments covering the squatter heartlands, those of New South Wales and Victoria.68 NSW Selection Acts Central to the passing of the NSW Land Laws and their subsequent history wa[...]bertson is often described as being a squatter or of squatter origin but his method of landholding suggests that he was not. Robertson s[...]05 for the “universal” franchise and equality of electorates and in opposing Wentworth’s proposa[...]ging was Robertson’s support for selection. One of his earliest statements on the question was given[...]slative Council’s Select Committee on the State of Agriculture on 31St August 1855. In a written submission he claimed that the failure of agriculture to develop in NSW was caused by the c[...]ent policy, which mitigated against the formation of small holdings. Robertson first pointed out the[...]owing on his wool crop or cattle through the Lien of Wool Act and the Lien on Stock Act the farmers co[...]proposal allowing any person to enter on 80 acres of waste land before survey and pay the upset price[...]it was natural for people to want their own piece of land and not to spend their lives making improvements to the land of others. In support of his (’8 A slightly greater emphasis is given t[...]y Powell (1967, 1970). Roberts 1968 gives details of selection in other states. . |
| [...]lved in the selection movement. This was a period of political agitation for land reform, which Baker[...]roducing land legislation. Following the election of 1859 Robertson introduced three lands acts to do with sales, occupation, and leases of Crown Land.69 The latter was defeated and the ens[...]he ensuing election in December 1860 on the issue of land laws. In January 1861, Robertson resigned th[...]the first dealt with free selection and the sale of Crown Land, the second with occupation of Crown Lands by the squatters and others (such as[...]ds Alienation Act (1861) 25 Vic oi, the principle of selection without survey was established. Any person (or their agent) could select fiom 40 to 320 acres72 of Crown Land prior to survey in areas other than to[...]tions) by tendering a written application on Land Office day (Thursday) for land between 40 and 320 acres. The selector could only make one conditional purchase of up to 320 acres but could make additional conditional purchase up to the total of 320 acres if frontage conditions were not exceede[...]was Secretary for Lands and he began the process of tightening the screws on the squatters by limiting the right of pre-emptive purchase to 640 acres (tie. a square[...]uncil could be used to facilitate large purchases of land so these restrictions were brought in by reg[...]Files No 85/ 15680 (AONSW Ref 10/3642 for details of this). 70 It should be noted that Parliament at[...]not have the formal party and factional structure of the 20th century. 7' Ie. appoint as many members[...]square mile or 790.72 ha. In discussing the size of selections and runs it is easier to work i[...] |
| 106 The land was sold at a fixed price of £1 per acre, 25% to be paid on registering, the[...]n the land for one year (beginning within a month of selection) and improvements of not less than £1 per acre were made. At the end of the three years the purchaser or alienee (that is[...]pay 5% interest on the amount owing at the start of each year.74 The alternative way of purchasing land was through auction of surveyed blocks or lapsed conditional purchases.[...]ry 1858 were exempt from sale during the currency of the lease. This allowed existing squatters to rem[...]ion was allowed on these leases and as each piece of land was sold the rent progressively reduced. The squatters retained a limited pre-emptive right of 640 acres for every block of 25 square miles (i. e. 16,000 acres) for old leas[...]or land to be sold without competition at a value of no less than £1 per acre in consideration of improvements made on it. Land was to be measured[...]had to be square. This rule determined the shape of much of NSW and contrasted with the use of natural features for squatting run boundaries. In reviewing the operation of the 1861 Act during his second reading speech for[...]conceived by the author. . .in the best interests of the country. . .It was framed for honest men, not[...]ebates 102327). Farrell identified the main evil of free selection as “dummyism”. “Dummying” was the selection of land by an individual with the intention of selling or transferring it to a squatter (or some[...]quently the dummy 73 This provision was a legacy of the tardiness of the Surveyor Generals Department in actually surv[...]ector could simply pay off the interest as a form of rent yet have security of tenure. Some of the portions selected on the Cuppacumbalong run were held in this way, for example portion 28 Parish of Tharwa was selected in 1868 and the title was finally issued on completion of payment in 1920 after a period of 52 years. |
| [...]nly difficulty being conforming to the condition of residence. Dummying took two forms, the selection of land by squatter’s associates, relatives or agents and the speculative selection of land by individuals (1'. e. non bona fide selectors) in the hope of forcing the squatter to buy them out. There is no[...]1988:64); Hancock (1972:98-102) all give examples of dummying. One of the main aims of the 1875 amendments to the Lands Acts was to eliminate dummying. “Peacocking,” another evil of free selection, was the selection or purchase of key areas of land such as waterholes, river frontages and so on so as to prevent selection on other areas of the run. By careful exercise of pre-emptive rights, improvement and purchase rights the squatter could, for example, select the best parts of the run.75 An example of peacocking can be seen on the Wybray run where the leaseholders, the Yeoman Brothers, constructed a number of bores and tanks in the back country. These were t[...]4.4). The effect was to peacock the only sources of water in the back country thus securing the run f[...]cape in detail. The third major problem was that of Reserves. Under the Acts, land could be reserved[...]idered to be for the public good. Under Section 4 of the Crown Lands Alienation Act (1861) land could[...]t remove the land from the lease. Under Section 5 of Crown Lands Alienation Act (1861), land required[...]from sale could be made to prevent total monopoly of water frontages and to allow movement from the back blocks to permanent sources of water. This seems on the face of it to be good public policy and was instigated in the Lands Department in 1861 following the passing of the Land Acts (Robertson in Select Committee on R[...]5233). From Robertson’s evidence, consideration of reserves was based not only on the process of alienation but also to prevent squatters from lea[...]only, knowing that this would prevent the leasing of the backblocks due to lack of water (i. e. peacocking the run). 75 The expression Peacocking refers to the picking the eyes out of the run, rather like a bird picks at grain[...] |
| However, the practice of creating the Reserves was a major issue. Local re[...]ly gazetted. A squatter by initiating the process of reserving land could effectively quarantine large areas of his run from selection. In the Riverina at least[...]48-150, Gammage 1986:62-64). The actual evidence of Departmental practice at the time was given to th[...]serves in circular form but that the sheer volume of applications, divided responsibility in the Depar[...]eing open to selection in 1865 (due to the expiry of the leases under the Orders in Council) resulted in chaos rather than corruption. A large number of Reserves were hastily gazetted. Neither Buxton no[...]he reserve files in order to verify their claims of corruption and so drew heavily upon the evidence[...]e select committee did not seem to find evidence of corruption although its activities were curtailed[...]. The biggest problem for selectors was the lack ofof the detail of Reserve formation is there for historians to use. A summary of all the various grievances is in the evidence of the Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law (New South Wales, Legislative Assemb[...]3-74). The committee took evidence from a variety of sources, squatters, selectors and officials, which was produced in three progress reports. This was by no means a comprehensive coverage of NSW as the Committee took evidence from the administrators in Sydney but only evidence of selection practice in the Riverina and one witnes[...]valuate selection without sufficient questioning of whether the Riverina was a typical case or not.[...]marised the 1861 Act. 7° O'Shanassy was Premier of Victoria three times and was Premier when[...] |
| “My opinion is that the Act of 1861 is a very good one if carried out in its int[...]runs the squatters were forced by the provisions of the act to undertake illegal activities that were[...]O’Shannassy, as one might expect, was critical of the NSW Acts as being “wrong in principle”, the principle being the Wakefieldian one of concentration of settlement. O’Shannassy preferred settlement in[...]on his run. Everyone was united on the failings of the Lands Department. Squatters and selectors gave evidence of the failure of Lands Agents (who were usually Clerks of Court and had other duties) and the Lands Departm[...]selection and other applications. Delays and lack of communication often seems to have resulted in sel[...]ould be described as corruption or bias in favour of the squatter. This is not to say that forms of corruption were not apparent but little hard evidence was offered. A fundamental problem was a lack of accurate maps although as Surveyor General Philli[...]noted in his evidence, chiefly the whole concept of selection prior to survey precluded there being up-to-date maps of selections (Surveyor General, Phillip Francis Ada[...]und relating to the geoid, as there was no system of triangulation in New South Wales at that time. Mo[...]e point over time not to mention obvious problems of compass accuracy in the field. Distances were me[...]ry for Lands, in evidence commented “Our system of survey is a sort of rule of thumb business, which the Colony has tolerated, but it does not admit of accuracy in maps” (Fitzpatrick in New South Wal[...]:6). Adams added in his evidence that the problem of inaccurate maps added to by the poor description of land to be selected by applicants (Surveyor Gener[...]nse was too much for 77 In some cases the survey of a parish began with the survey of the first portion — a rectangle on a blank map[...]with reference to this point, thus a whole chain of inaccuracies built up. Trying to then plac[...] |
| [...]tion). O’Shannassy, despite his favourable view of the Lands Department admitted that he relied on e[...]tive Assembly 1873-74: 1 7). The selectors point of view was put by A. Jameson, a selector from Denil[...]ld in November 1873. Jameson pointed out the lack of information from the Lands Agent at Deniliquin ab[...]rrupt) but Jameson would not commit himself. Part of the difficulty was the lack of up-to-date information. The main vehicle for info[...]closer to Melbourne). Mayger referred to the case of a selector Rose being allowed to select on a rese[...]selections. Squatters reportedly hung around the office on Lands Day with vague applications either by themselves or dummy (some of which nobody ever saw) and lodged them when bona[...]volunteer for the colonial forces. The vagueness of the land described allowed the squatter to use th[...]ail selection or peacock their run. The evidence of James Litchfield fiom the Monaro gave further evidence of selection practices. Litchfield, although in favour of selection, was very critical of the limitation on conditional purchases to 320 ac[...]heir residence but in 1872 a more rigorous policy of verifying residency had been introduced leading t[...]ect his grass rights (i. e. his conditional lease of three times the area of his conditional purchase provided the land was av[...]ther than agriculture. Litchfield was an example of a selector, although he held an estate of some 20,000 acres and was supported by William B[...]3-96). A final problem from the squatters point of view were the Land Sharks who selected choice area of land with the aim of forcing the squatter to buy them out. This[...] |
| [...]t Act (1875, 39 Vic c13) was the first amendment of the Lands Acts and implemented the results of the Select committee’s inquiry. The Act raised the maximum area of land able to be selected to 640 acres. The amendm[...]nal problems, which were used to evade the intent of the Land Acts. These included defining “person[...]g someone over 16 years old, defining the nature of improvements and their value, making sure that purchasers were not agents of someone else (i. e. dummying) and so on. A subseq[...]pass (Martin 1962:586-588). Following the defeat of the Robertson government in the elections of January 1883 the new Stuart government instigated[...]ation. Hancock comments that “three generations of Australian historians repeated the Morris-Ranken version of the free selection story. At last, in the mid-196[...]not the Royal Commissioners had told a true story of free selection” (Hancock,1972:91). Buxton was the historian referred to by Hancock. In his study of the Riverina, he noted (and anyone with any experience of the political process would note) that the Morris[...]es. Morris-Ranken summarised the basic principle of the Lands Acts as “to substitute large numbers of yeoman farmers for the squatter”, the policy being to “offer to sale to one class of occupants the same land which was simultaneously[...]tenures simultaneously by providing “the means of defence against and retaliation upon the selectors who ventured to exercise their legitimate rights of encroachment and appropriation [of pastoral runs]” (1883215). Morris-Ranken were not against selection, there is no questioning of the “yeoman myth”, rather they question the workings of the Lands Acts in achieving that goal. They bega[...]eteen counties (1'. e. the land within the limits of location), much of which was seen as inferior land with some 51% uno[...]encircling the Cumberland Plain and forming part of the Great Dividing Range. 78 The authors were Au[...]report was published in the Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly omitting the bulky but valuable individual testimony of previous reports. |
| [...]having successfully worked in with the old system of grants without much trouble, the main problem identified being how to dispose of the inferior land. The Intermediate district was[...]e Western district and encompassed a wide variety of lands and environments. Morris-Ranken summarised the characteristics of land holdings in the Intermediate Districts as fo[...]able shows that only a comparatively small amount of land has been actually alienated (i. e. sold) and that 42% of land was still held as Pastoral Leases (i.e. squa[...]nd Alienated in the Intermediate District Method of alienating Area (acres) % of total alienated land land Conditional Purchase 12 114 082 48.15% by Auction 9 260 274 36.81% In Virtue of Improvements 1 954 812 7.77% Volunteer Land Order[...]lienated 25 156 612 The table confirms a number of points made earlier. Firstly, the squatters did not indulge in massive purchases of land before selection, only 2% overall of the Intermediate District was sold before 1862. S[...]ir purchases. However, this represented only 14 % of the overall land holding in the Intermedia[...] |
| Morris-Ranken examined settlement in sub-divisions of the Intermediate area and concluded that for Mona[...]other areas was characterised by the development of a number of larger freehold estates despite a large number of actual conditional purchases. In considering Division III, basically land to the west of the Barwon, Bogan and Lachlan rivers, Morris-Ranken considered that the lack of rainfall protected Crown leases from invasion by[...]ecting to extort the pastoralists. Less than 0.5% of the land had been selected as conditional purchases of which Morris-Ranken claim “two-thirds are dummi[...]227). Morris-Ranken concluded that the main area of conflict was in the intermediate districts where “the personal virtues of veracity and honourable dealing have been tarnished by the daily habit of intrigue, the practice of evading the law, and by declarations in defiance of fact universally made” (1883:29). In short, sel[...]ms to be realised on the ground, a certain amount of illegal practices had to occur, creating a problem of moral decay for squatters and selectors alike. The actual success of selection was seen as obscured by the shroud of departmental dealings, as there were no f1 gures[...]-Ranken developed their own measure, the creation of small holdings (40 to 1000 acres) which they argue shows that in Division II the proportion of small holdings created (0.01%) is less than in th[...]ality land. At the same time 80 freehold holdings of 40,000 acres and upward were created. Selection w[...]er in a footnote to their report to the Secretary of the Lands Department, James F arnell noted, “to[...]orris and Ranken had an'ived from a consideration of the evidence taken by them. As this was not any part of the duties with the performance of which they were charged, that portion of the Report has not been accepted and consequently[...]ry letter). Morris-Ranken noted the desirability of harrnonising all the various administrative divis[...]ep. They also estimated approximate minimum sizes of land suitable for homesteads as 2,560 acres for D[...]). They also tentatively point out the advantages of some form of survey before selection (1883:35). Overall[...] |
| 114 realised that the process of debating and passing the act would take over a ye[...]own Lands Act 1884 (48 Vic c.18) and a new system of land administration was installed while retaining the principle of free selection before survey. Firstly, the Act di[...]This effectively decentralised the administration of the Lands Act to local areas allowing local consi[...]. The LLBs also gave the selector the opportunity of appealing decisions without having to go the Supr[...]onal purchase was still allowed with nine classes of land being exempted (notable exemptions were towns, mining areas and the whole of the Western Division). Only one conditional purch[...]esidence. Improvements were expressed in the form of fencing in good order. Squatters runs (defined[...]nal purchases could not be made, Homestead Leases of between 10 240 acres and 5 760 acres could be made within the resumed areas. These were a form of conditional purchase in that they aimed to allow[...]he legislation aimed at dealing with the problems of selection, firstly by reducing the level of conflict by giving squatters some security in th[...]that the environment played a part in the success of selection and developed a crude response to this by enlarging the size of selection as the carrying capacity of the land declined. In the Western Division, the pointlessness of small selection was recognised but a form of small selection was recognised by the introduction of Homestead Leases. The legislation also forced the rapid surveying of squatting runs (and in some cases parishes[...] |
| 115 The Crown Lands Act 1884 was followed by series of five amendments to rectify problems that should have been obvious during the passage of the bill. For example the Crown Lands Amendment A[...]ent debate in July 1888 at least five MLAs spoke of the need to urgently modify the fencing requirements of the 1884 act to allow other improvements to be su[...]tensive amendment was made in the Crown Lands Act of 1889 (53 Vic c21). The embedment firstly establi[...]be taken. Other amendments clarified the rights of mortgagees to select land through the mortgagors, the rights of women, determined that conflicting applications[...]1895 the Government introduced a major amendment of the Lands Act to a chorus of dismay by members who remembered the year or more the 1884 Act took to pass. In introducing the Lands Act ofof land since 1861 to settle only an additional 199, 000 in the country districts... in 1861 the average size of a holding was 280 acres, but in 1893 the average size of a holding was 726 acres” (N SW Parliamentary De[...]failure was based on six principles: i. Respect of legal and vested rights. ii. To give more encouragement to occupiers of Crown Lands. iii. That the fruits of a tenant’s industry are his property. iv. Classifications of land so as to prevent conflicts and rivalries. v[...]rs. “But chief above all I recognise the right of every man by virtue ofof the nineteenth century. Selection in Vict[...] |
| [...], a farm and a rifle’) in September 1860 (Sale of Crown Lands Act 23 Vic No 117). The details of the politics behind the passing of this legislation have been discussed by Searle (1963:296-300) and illustrate the strength of the Legislative Council in Victoria to obstruct and delay legislation. The Act established two classes of land “special” — land within one mile of property purchased before the legislation; or close to a township of at least 250 inhabitants; or along existing lines of communication or water frontages. This special land was to be auctioned at an upset price of £1 per acre, 25% ofof 80-640 acres,82 each to be subdivided into two equal portions. One of these portions could be purchased at £1 per acre[...]1862 report claims that in the first six months of 1860 a total of 442, 643 acres of Crown Land was alienated, mostly in the Western district (Powell 1967295). The provisions of the Act were easily evaded. Careful purchases all[...]lect. With dummies the restrictions on the amount of land selected was avoided. Importantly dummies co[...]to blocks before sale. This limited the operation ofof the available land had been sold to squatters (Powell 1970:83-84) and cites examples of larger squatters such as Neil Black who bought 10[...]the Manifolds who bought 60,000 acres as examples of squatters evading the Acts intent. However this w[...]in selectors helped by some administrative slight of hand to allow selection on commons and through oc[...]ttempt at selection legislation was the Duffy Act of 1862 (An Act to consolidate and amend the laws elating to the sale and occupation of Crown Lands 25 Vic c145) put forward by Gavan Duffy a well known supporter of selection. Earlier in the debates on selection, Duffy argued for assessment of land quality before opening areas for selection.[...]n the O’Shanassy 82 The Act required the Board of Land and Works to survey three million acres within twelve months of the Act’s passing. |
| [...]s in the Lands Department drawing upon the advice of officials to develop a map of ten million acres that he proposed to open for se[...]re to be opened for selection within three months of the passing of the Act, the balance being brought into play so t[...]s were available continuously. From the millions of acres the Board of Land and Works was supposed to survey, “Agricultural Areas” containing allotments of between 640 acres and 40 acres (depending on the nature of the land) each allotment being divided equally, w[...]c c145 Part II, Section 12 to 14). Under Part II of the Act, a selector could apply to purchase the whole allotment at the price of £1 per acre, or purchase one moiety and rent the[...]he lease for the moiety was for 8 years at a rent of 2/6 per acre payable in advance. If two applicati[...]e lot were received on the same day then the Land Officer shall determine by lot which has priority. Selections were limited to 640 acres of land per year and no infants, married women or no[...]tor was obliged to bring into cultivation a tenth of the land within a year of selection, erect a habitable dwelling, or enclos[...]stantial fence (25 Vic c145 Part II). The system of auctioning Crown Lands continued but was excluded[...]. This provision was to encourage the development of industry by making land available on easy terms.[...]evaded. The squatters’ main tactic was the use of agents and dummies who would select land and then sell it on to the squatters. The loose wording of the legislation provided many loopholes. In parti[...]lector applied for land the squatter had the rest of the day to make conflicting applications, all of which would be in the ballot. The residential cla[...]were moved onto each lot as required. The process of evasion was so gross that it even began to effect[...]rupt practices he was involved with “ I am sick ofof “Agricultural Areas” in the Duffy Act was con[...]ade in person, agents not being allowed. In cases of conflicting applications for the same allotment[...]was reduced from the same day to within one hour of the first selection. Lease of an allotment was for a term of seven years for a rent of 2/- per annum per acre subject to the foll[...] |
| [...]e for three years plus improvements to the value ofof improvements. Leases were limited to 640 acres p[...]ummying. Section 31 presented the interpretation of “allotment” which limited the size of allotments and frontage, to under a mile of frontage along any “lake, lagoon, river, stream[...]ing “cultivation, fencing, clearing or draining of an allotment and the making of dams, wells or reservoirs or of a habitable dwelling or farm or other buildings upon and permanently attached to the soil of such allotment". The problem of dummying was addressed by the Grant acts of 1865 and 1869 where an emphasis was placed on the[...]ive Council. The Second Grant Act, the Lands Act of 1869, has been described by Roberts as perhaps th[...]could apply for a license to occupy an allotment of land not exceeding 320 acres. The licence was iss[...]d substantial fence within two years, cultivation of one in ten acres and to make improvements of £1 per acre. At the end of three years, the selector could apply for a Crown[...]. The Second Grant Act prevented the building up of large estates, indeed it halved the amount of land available for selection. This is somewhat paradoxical given that the small size of holdings was generally held to be a primary cause of the failure of selectors. Powell in discussing this, notes that the Bill originally provided for selections of up to 640 acres, but from his reading of the Parliamentary Debates, he discerns that the Parliamentarians suffered from a “resurgence of the traditional view of the place of the ‘yeoman’. No legislation could immediately produce such a class. It must create itself by dint of sacrifice and ‘honest toil’, but founded on[...]provided by the state” (Powell 1970:154). Most of the remaining agricultural land in Victori[...] |
| [...]report emphasised the poor economic circumstances of the selector especially in light of a severe drought on the northern and western plains from 1876 to 1879. The results of the initial investigations emphasised the financial difficulties of framers and following the publication of an interim report in 1878, an amending act was pa[...]he Land Act 1878 (42 Vic c634) doubled the period of the licence and halved the rent per acre to 1/-. The conditions of improvement were all varied to reduce cost and ex[...]ognised the practice, common in NSW and Victoria, of selectors hiring a seasonal work force, typically[...]for agriculture84 and as Powell notes this aspect of the report allowed many myths about areas of Victoria to be dispelled and selection policy fra[...]ade minor amendments and continued the provisions of the Grant Act. The next legislative foray in 1883[...]e there were in effect none to abolish. The State of Victoria then moved on to various schemes to esta[...]is another sorry tale. The success or otherwise of selection In terms of the squatting landscape, the selection movement forced a pattern of small allotments over the countryside. Even if ul[...]ed by them. This pattern relates to the processes of selection and is an outcome the squatter/selector[...], to understand a squatting landscape, the detail of the various Land Acts needs to be understood as t[...]requirement on the 33 This is an edited version of the minutes of Evidence taken before the Royal Commission to inquire into the progress of settlement under the Land Act 1869. 8‘[...] |
| 120 selector (irrespective of who the selector was) to “improve” the land f[...]ring, fencing, ring-barking, damming and draining of land creating a changed landscape. The degree of change and its timing is an outcome of the squatter/selector interaction in a particular[...]il a few years ago the general historical opinion of the selection movement was that the movement was[...]failure, “a squatting triumph in the best part of the colony” (1968: 242) and that so called safe[...]failure, rectified to some degree by the success of the Grant Acts (19681254). Nevertheless, such a broad judgement was made in the absence of detailed studies of specific squatting runs in local areas and relied too much on the evidence of various parliamentary reports. The conclusions of historians in recent years, was that in some areas free selection worked in achieving the aim of establishing small bona fide farmers. Feny, for[...]hat in some areas around Armidale there was a mix of free selectors (1999:161-169). Some selectors were established on good agricultural land on parts of Saumarez run near Annidale, others had establishe[...]ry comments that important factors in the success of selecting was some amount of capital as well as the productive capacity of the land, “farming expectations were often unre[...]nts a similar story for the Monaro where the case of James Litchfield is presented, although he may be an exception as he accumulated an estate of 20,000 acres as a selector. Other successful sele[...]azing runs (1972:92-96). In the Western district of Victoria, Powell points to selectors “developing considerable ingenuity in developing intricate network of intra-family and inter- family co-operation which had the effect of producing larger and better serviced operating units” (Powell 1996:87). Co-operation allowed shortcomings of capital to be overcome and was important in succe[...]In the Riverina, probably the most prominent area of selector/squatter conflict, the success of selection was mixed. Buxton has argued against th[...]ful selectors and noted that following the advent of rail connections to the Narrandera region, there[...]d-18705 (1988:66-73). A key factor in the success of selecting was the access to markets for agricultu[...]ch as wheat86 and this was aided by the expansion of the railway network during the 1870s and 1[...] |
| [...]r. Thus, there is a case to argue for the success of selection. This is not to say that squatters did not use the various land acts to transfer much of their leased land into freehold land at a price a[...]ted into freehold estates, but often at the price ofof selection across South- Eastem Australia. In some[...]other selectors prospered. The few local studies of selection point to the role of the environment and the rural economy as well as the nature of an individual selector and family in determining success or otherwise of selection. These were factors often ignored by th[...]he capital cities who tended to blame the failure of the “yeoman myth” on the Lands Acts and their[...]1884 Crown Lands Act in NSW. Overall the history of squatting and selecting would be enhanced by more detailed studies of specific areas, taking into account environmenta[...]E PASTORAL ECONOMY The discussion on the history of selection has been allowed to run its course to t[...]ng in the pastoral economy that shaped the nature of squatting. There were two basic changes, firstly there was an overall change in the amount of investment in the pastoral industry and there was[...]in dairying. The change in land use was a result of declining wheat yields in the coastal regions due to the onset of rust in the 18605 and a subsequent moving of the “wheat frontier” into drier areas. These were on the western edge of the Settled Districts in NSW around Bathurst and[...]veloped as a major industry after the development of the separator in the late 18705 and refrigeration[...]farmers turned to dairying as an alternative form of grazing (Peel 1974). |
| Butlin has discussed the development of capital spending and traced the course of pastoral investment” from 1860 to 1890 (1962b,[...]in notes that from the 18605 until 1871 the level of pastoral investment was relatively modest. “In fact, with the exception of the two years 1868 and 1870 the level of new pastoral investment tended to decline throughout most of the sixties (1962b:325). From 1871, there was a[...]to 1877 when there was an extremely rapid period of investment. Butlin argues that most of this investment was in fencing rather than in oth[...]pools. “Fencing was the great rural achievement of the decade” (Butlin 1962b:331). Butlin’s second phase of investment was a short boom and a sharp slump in 1880-82 followed by a third phase of growth until a peak in 1892. Both these two phases were marked by equipment of pastoral stations by pioneers and speculators anxious to make a profit on the back of a high wool price and an expansion of grazing into the drier areas. This form of capital formation placed more emphasis on water c[...]see how this trend is related to the development of squatting landscapes. Although Butlin sees fencing as the great achievement of the 18705, fencing of squatting runs (beyond fencing of cultivation paddocks and stock yards) began in th[...]ters increased their freehold land and as a means of reducing scab in sheep.88 Kiddle argues that alth[...]b and it also allowed the reduction in the number of shepherds (1962: 199-200). This became important[...]ire fencing was introduced. However the abundance of igneous surface stone in the Western District als[...]ncing or runs by dry stone walls a defining part of the cultural landscape in the Western District an[...]Yanco Creek from the Murrumbidgee. The excavation of the canal, which was of dubious success, began in 87 Butlin defines this as the value in current prices of the additions to durable physical assets other th[...]ble amount. 88 Scab is a parasite and separation of an infected flock from a “clean” one helped prevent the spread of the disease. |
| [...]raised by assessing the squatters along the banks of Yanco Creek. A similar scheme to improve the Will[...]estment in fencing was coupled by the development of better sheep breeds, notable by the Peppin family[...]861. The Peppins combined the basic merino sheep (of mixed origins) with improved Rambouillet Merinos[...]od wool covering. This was achieved with the help of Thomas Shaw, his son Jonathan Shaw and Thomas Cun[...]eppin merino was ideal for use in the dry climate of the Riverina and the Western Division. Squatters[...]an increase in sheep numbers; an intensification of grazing which was helped by relatively good seaso[...]uction. Linking the runs were transport networks of riverboats, railways, and roads. The riverboats s[...]ay-Darling system. Railways became from the 1870s of increasing importance especially as railways from[...]lished throughout NSW to allow the legal movement of stock across squatting runs. These were supported[...]were used by pastoralists in droughts as sources of feed and large mobs of sheep and cattle were sent on the road to see wha[...]listed the physical assets (apart from livestock) of a typical station of the 18905 as an example of the capital investment that a well-equipped sheep[...]Robert Campbell & Co. to help improve the quality of the wool clip. His son. also Thomas Shaw, was a w[...]ia and on Yancannia Creek in the Western Division of NSW. |
| ii) Outbuildings of kitchen, store, blacksmith’s shop, shearing and[...]s) B) Fences i) Stockyards ii) Boundary fences of posts and wire or of posts, rails and wire C) Water conservation i) D[...]onservation which increased the carrying capacity of arid lands into which the pastoral industry was expanding.90 As well, the increased prevalence of rabbits in the late 18805 resulted in the need to invest in wire net fencing as some measure of control. The expansion into the arid areas was also helped by “a remarkable run of highly favourable climatic conditions” from the[...]Holding (No 612, Central District) is an example of a pastoral station of the late 18805. The Parnell family based at Maitl[...]this to sheep in 1884 following their experience of the 1877—78 drought. Sheep were seen as requiring less water than cattle. The division of the holding into Resumed and Leasehold areas resulted in an evaluation of the land in 1887 and this evidence gives a snapsh[...]was bordered on the west by Marra Creek. A series of water reserves all created in 1882 dominate the m[...]Butlin notes the source material on the economics of individual stations is very limited, he drew on the information from the archives of the large pastoral financing companies which too[...]nal run was Wyabray. 92 Wybray was about a third of the size of Willandra Run (347, 201 acres) one of the biggest runs and three times the size of Cuppacumbalong (48,917 acres) studied in C[...] |
| [...]s frontage on the west to Mara creek and a series of selections and a water reserve protect the Yeoman[...]re 4.4 which dates to 1901 but shows more details of the improvements than earlier plans). Away from the creek on the eastern side of the runs and on the Back runs, Back Willoi Back U[...]de in the leasehold area, all were made in virtue of improvement of building the tanks."3 These improvements, as well[...]nt £6000 on water improvements The appraisement of the leasehold area of Wyabray Pastoral Holding was undertaken by the Bo[...]il 1887. The improvements listed by the Inspector of Runs, Edward Burton Lytton Dickens94 were Cuddi[...]Crown Land 12’deep on Crown Land 93 Among one of the tanks is Cuddie Springs, which was dug in 187[...]mportant Pleistocene Aboriginal site. 94 The son of Charles Dickens. |
| of Wyabray Pastoral Holding, 1901 Two wells were lo[...]612 Central Division, SRNSW 3/5250 The evidence of John Able Yeomans, the managing partner of Wyabray and an accompanying letter by W. R Yeomans (Folio 87/5253), emphasised the difficulties of Wyabray being a viable property without considera[...]fodder. As well the distance to markets and cost of |
| [...]abbits are fast approaching the run". The pattern of settlement is one of constructing water conservation facilities such a[...]unctional in form with only the merest suggestion of a garden or any but the barest of improvements (see Figure 4.5). This relates to th[...]omestead than prudence would allow. This picture of the plain manager’s house is very differ[...] |
| [...]d intensifying in western NSW a remarkable period of homestead construction was occurring in Victoria.[...]the 1840s and 1850s but “in a five year burst of homestead redevelopment the powerful long establi[...]ies were to transform the architectural character of western Victoria (Willingham 1984:74). This invol[...]ects involved, the precise reasons for this burst of construction remain obscure save for comments tha[...]ould it be that the homestead building was a form of celebration of the squatters’ success in fending of the selectors? Certainly there is nothing on the Western District scale of housing to be found in the Riverina although Free[...]s to protect squatter’s assets and so the price of the assets could, through the mechanism of Improvement Purchases, be offset against the upse[...](19702134). There were also the associated costs of improving the land as required under the various Acts. Most of the capital for the pastoral expansion in the Wes[...]seems indubitable that the industry was incapable of providing from its own resources, more than a small fraction of the total capital requirements” (19622388). In the early period of squatting most of the capital had come from a variety of sources, banks, merchants, partnerships of friends, relatives and so on. However the demands of pastoral finance lead to the development of banks and non-bank pastoral finance houses. Both[...]th providing finance to the pastoralist. Because of their size and nature they were also a tap for fo[...]utlin and Barnard trace an all too familiar story of increasing indebtedness based on the rising, if s[...]s. “In the early eighties personal indebtedness of £100,000, secured by station mortgages, was by n[...]ks and Pastoral companies were registered holders of 50% of Western Division leases (Cain 19622436). |
| THE 18905 DEPRESSION AND THE END OF SQUATTING The 18905 brought together a series of trends in the pastoral industry of increased production costs and decreasing wool pr[...]and in the end decides that it was a combination of both (1971 :77). Wool prices began to decline in[...]wool to coarser wool which compounded the effect of low prices (Boehm 1971 :80-83). On the production side Boehm points to the trend of increasing costs of production in the 18805 through increased Crown rents, labour costs, costs of establishing stations in arid areas and interest[...]environment and ultimately the carrying capacity of the run. The 18905 Depression seems to have begun with the collapse of the speculative urban land boom in Melbourne whic[...]he late 18805 but which was obscured by a variety of factors until 1891 when the tightening money market caused an number of land companies and Banks to crash (Boehm 1971:255). This, in turn lead to a series of collapses and bankruptcies until the Banking Crisis of April and May 1893. A5 a result capital dried up[...]Queensland (see Butlin 1962a:Table l). The impact of drought and rabbits devastated the Western Division of NSW, cutting wool production. As well the lack of fodder on stOck routes prevented the movement of stock to markets. Although there were also econo[...]Australia until 1893. At this point the cessation of British lending and calls for debt to be repaid combined with environmental problems of the pastoral industry as well as the decline in wool prices curtailed the ability of pastoralists to pay back debt or even service int[...]with no choice but to initially take some control of pastoral operations and eventually foreclose and take over management of stations for themselves. The end result was that[...]oral companies were lefi managing a large number of pastoral stations in NSW and Queensland mostly in[...]nd pastoral companies were the registered holders of 13% and 4% of pastoral holdings in the Western Division respect[...]891 the figures were 17% and 33% (i.e. 50%) half of the pastoral holdings (Cain 1962:435-436). |
| [...]intensifying in western NSW, a remarkable period of homestead construction was occurring in Victoria.[...]the 18405 and 18505 but “in a five year burst of homestead redevelopment the powerful long establi[...]ies were to transform the architectural character of western Victoria (Willingham 1984274). This invol[...]ects involved, the precise reasons for this burst of construction remain obscure save for comments tha[...]ould it be that the homestead building was a form of celebration of the squatters’ success in fending off the selec[...]y, there is nothing on the Western District scale of housing to be found in the Riverina although Free[...]s to protect squatter’s assets and so the price of the assets could, through the mechanism of Improvement Purchases, be offset against the upse[...](1970:134). There were also the associated costs of improving the land as required under the various Acts. Most of the capital for the pastoral expansion in the Wes[...]seems indubitable that the industry was incapable of providing from its own resources, more than a small fraction of the total capital requirements” (1962:388). In the early period of squatting most of the capital had come from a variety of sources, banks, merchants, partnerships of friends, relatives and so on. However, the demands of pastoral finance lead to the development of banks and non-bank pastoral finance houses. Both[...]th providing finance to the pastoralist. Because of their size and nature they were also a tap for fo[...]utlin and Barnard trace an all too familiar story of increasing indebtedness based on the rising, if s[...]s. “In the early eighties personal indebtedness of £100,000, secured by station mortgages, was by n[...]ks and Pastoral companies were registered holders of 50% of Western Division leases (Cain 1962:436). |
| 129 THE 18908 DEPRESSION AND THE END OF SQUATTING The 1890s brought together a series of trends in the pastoral industry of increased production costs and decreasing wool pr[...]and in the end decides that it was a combination of both (1971 :77). Wool prices began to decline in[...]wool to coarser wool which compounded the effect of low prices (Boehm 1971:80-83). On the production side Boehm points to the trend of increasing costs of production in the 18803 through increased Crown rents, labour costs, costs of establishing stations in arid areas and interest[...]environment and ultimately the carrying capacity of the run. The 1890s Depression seems to have begun with the collapse of the speculative urban land boom in Melbourne whic[...]he late 1880s but which was obscured by a variety of factors until 1891 when the tightening money market caused a number of land companies and Banks to crash (Boehm 19712255). This, in turn lead to a series of collapses and bankruptcies until the Banking Crisis of April and May 1893. Therefore capital dried up an[...]Queensland (see Butlin 1962azTable 1). The impact of drought and rabbits devastated the Western Division of NSW, cutting wool production. As well, the lack of fodder on stock routes prevented the movement of stock to markets. Although there were also econo[...]Australia until 1893. At this point the cessation of British lending and calls for debt to be repaid combined with environmental problems of the pastoral industry as well as the decline in wool prices curtailed the ability of pastoralists to pay back debt or even service int[...]with no choice but to initially take some control of pastoral operations and eventually foreclose and take over management of stations for themselves. The end result was that[...]toral companies were left managing a large number of pastoral stations in NSW and Queensland mostly in[...]nd pastoral companies were the registered holders of 13% and 4% of pastoral holdings in the Western Division respec[...]891 the figures were 17% and 33% (i.e. 50%) half of the pastoral holdings (Cain 1962:435-436). |
| 130 The wholesale taking over of pastoral properties by mortgagees marks the end of the squatter and of squatting. By the 18905, many of the original squatters and their families had lefi the land or were proprietors of large freehold estates. Others were reduced to being tenants of banks or ruined altogether. In some areas such as parts of Central NSW the squatting runs were beginning to[...]begun in Westem Victoria. In the Western Division of NSW the pastoralist’s situation was so bad that following a Royal Commission the entire situation of grazing was reviewed and the Western Lands Commission was established to manage the land. The emergence of wholesale absentee ownership of squatting runs marks the end of husbanding the run. A manager was valued for his[...]rather than the economically intangible benefits of respectability. These changes are well expressed[...]ritten in 1890. The poem contrasts the happy days of squatting and the generous, amiable squatter Kiley, with the rule of the absentee owner in London who acquired the pro[...]On Kiley’s run.” CONCLUSION The beginning of the 18503 saw the squatters in secure possession of much of South- Eastem Australia and slowly moving into th[...]l established in society and politics. The advent of responsible government saw lands policy placed in the hands of State Parliaments whose Upper houses were dominat[...]less democratically elected. The immediate effect of the gold rushes was to increase the prosperity of the squatters, the long term effect was to force[...]nst the Yeoman Farmers. Selection was an outcome of the changes to Australia in the 18505 where a combination of responsible government, a large increase of population following the gold rushes and ideology of domesticity resulted in the demand for small farm[...]oman farmer”. Faced with squatters leasing most of South-Eastem Australia the parliamentary represen[...]on acted to legislate to implement the principals of selection which they hoped would support the yeoman ideal. The actual methods of achieving selection varied between the states. The yeoman ideal remained constant throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century and well into the t[...] |
| The implementation of selection was by a process of legislation, regulation, and bureaucracy, which imposed a way of turning leasehold or Crown land into freehold lan[...]s alike used this process to realise their ideals of domesticity, the squatter by trying to create an[...]trying to create a small farm. Thus, the pattern of settlement and the creation of the landscape were undertaken in the context of this legislative regime. Obscure sections and interpretations of the old Lands Acts are often of crucial importance in shaping the landscape. The[...]h little regard for the geography and environment of South-Eastem Australia. The limitation on the size of selector’s holdings created farms that were inh[...]over, the distance from markets limited the range of farming options available for the selector. Selec[...]conflict between the squatter and selector both of who were striving to achieve the same ideals, often on the same land. This perhaps explains the varied level of squatter response to selecting. In many cases, th[...]own estates. In other cases, there was a degree of accommodation between squatter and selector. The[...]pter was the continuing expansion and development of the wool industry into the arid western plains an[...]reeds, fencing large paddocks and the development of water conservation measures such as dams and tank[...]toral lease. This increased the carrying capacity of land and buoyed by good prices for wool a considerable amount of money was spent establishing pastoral stations in[...]to collapse due to overstocking, the introduction of rabbits, the growth of scrub, and a series of extensive droughts. This was coupled with a sever[...]nd the 18905 depression finished off the old form of squatting. Selection either forced the squatter into debt, collapse, and the breakup of the run or allowed the squatter to turn his lease[...]t where selection was less important the collapse of the wool industry and the effects of the drought forced the Government to act to save[...]Western Lands Leases extinguishing the old forms of squatting tenure. |
| 133 CHOICE OF THE STUDY AREA The next chapters (6, 7 & 8) look at examples of the cultural landscapes created by squatters to e[...]aracteristics: 0 It should be outside the limits of location and be first settled by squatters in the period of initial squatter expansion. 0 The landholdings s[...]rom the first squatting settlement until the end of the squatting era. 0 There should be archaeological evidence, preferably in the form a sequence of squatter created landscapes. o Ideally, the area[...]amilies on the make rather than company ownership of runs. Choosing appropriate landscapes to study was difficult in that there was so much of South-Eastem Australia to choose from. Initially the Western District of Victoria was targeted as the author was familiar[...]a."6 The Western District contains a large number of well-documented homesteads and landscapes and was[...]n obvious place to begin. However, the logistics of working and studying in Sydney meant that an area[...]ttention was drawn to the areas to the south west of Sydney, as they were a convenient 3-4 hours drive[...]ween Yass and Albury was looked at. However, much of the land in the area has been broken up into smal[...]ting landscape did not promise to have the degree of integrity required for this study. The Monaro was[...]was a little too far from Sydney. In the course of selecting a study area, Lanyon in the Australia Capital Territory (ACT97) was looked at, more out of interest in landscapes rather than with much inte[...]anyon’s owners clearly were in the upper levels of society (although not of the highest) and they were also squatters depastu[...]mits and occupying squatting runs over the limits of location. In the Canberra area, the Murrumbidgee was the boundary of the limits of location. At Lanyon the limits were easily crosse[...]g on the season and crossing location. The owners of 96 As a student then as an employee of the Victoria Archaeological Survey. 97 Created after Federation out of the State of New South Wales to form the capital of Australia. For the period under considerat[...] |
| [...]runs and their owners worth studying in the area of Lanyon and the Valleys to the south. The land was still in use for pastoral purposes and appeared to be of high integrity. A chance encounter with Stephen Avery 8 on an archaeological survey of Lanyon alerted me to the de Salis diaries which promised to give a unique insight into the squatters of the region. The other logistical factor was the C[...]nent squatting families in the area. Suitability of the study area The area meets the criteria outlined above as follows: 1. The limits of location actually are the Murrumbidgee River that[...]s were established in the early 18305 at the time of squatting expansion. 2. The land remained predom[...]ederation. 3. There is an identifiable sequence of squatter ownership. Each run is largely undevelop[...]now the Tuggeranong Town Centre), northern parts of Lanyon and areas of Pine Forest. The remaining area is still under pa[...]e area still had the potential to retain evidence of previous landscapes and related archaeological si[...]documented, in particular the cultural landscape of the so-called Lanyon bowl has been studied by Ken[...]lly documented having had three histories written of it as well as a conservation analysis and analysis of the gardens. The diaries of George de Salis begun in 1869 document in detail the day to day activities of the de Salis family. In addition, the Conditional Purchase records for the area survive in the State Records of NSW. Taken together these form a comprehensive historical record of the study area. 98 Stephen Avery had just finished an honours thesis in which he made use of the de Salis diaries. |
| 135 5. All the families had some degree of social prominence; Wright was a magistrate, Cunni[...]was well respected in the community, de Salis was of aristocratic stock and was an MLC from 1873, his[...]at various times. McKeahnie was respected because of his humble origins and success. Incidentally, whe[...]6. Finally, it was thought that Lanyon comprised of a number of buildings and structures from the Wright era whic[...]ided to focus on the pioneering and establishment of Lanyon and Cuppacumbalong by James Wright and John Lanyon. This covered the themes of pioneering and from squatter to squattocracy. It[...]s conveniently cover the squatting era. Overview of runs in the area The sequence of squatting runs in the area around Lanyon and Thar[...]e studies. Lanyon itself was located on the edge of the limits of location, which is the Murrumbidgee River in the County of Murray. Lanyon was established in 1835 by James W[...]k seems to have been run in the hills to the east of Lanyon on Crown Land. Wright also took up Cuppac[...]s the Naas valley. Later he created Boroombah out of Cuppacumbalong for his wife’s family, the Davi[...]a in 1841. Colonel Thomas Hiah Macquoid, Sheriff of the Supreme Court of NSW purchased Tuggeranong (or Wanniassa) which, like Lanyon, was located on the edge of the limits and had a squatting run called Freshfo[...]gwarrah. Macquoid also went insolvent to the tune of £2,792-10-3 which unfortunately was |
| [...]d pay his fathers debts (he earned the admiration of society for this activity). He sold Freshford to Andrew Cunningham and some land at Wanniassa (part of Tuggeranong) was leased to tenants. At the time w[...]enby. Both died on the return voyage in the wreck of the Dunbar 1857. Following this, Andrew Cunningham was able to purchase much of Tuggeranong from Macquoids estate. Cunningham bou[...]n and in 1893 the Union Bank took over management of the runs and later sold them to the partnership of Campbell and Circuit. By the 18705 the Murrumbid[...]a considerable amount (as conditional purchases) of the estates as well. This pattern of land ownership remained until Federation. Afier Federation much of the land was resumed by the Government and became[...]ined under pastoral occupation with the exception of much of Tuggeranong and the north—eastem part of Lanyon, both are covered with urban sprawl, which[...]nd and tacky. Extensive pine forests forming part of the Pierces Creek Pine Plantation are planted on the northern parts of the Congwarra run. A similar plantation is found[...]usly the hilly terrain and the undeveloped nature of the area lead it to become the site for as[...] |
| ENVIRONMENT This section outlines the environment of the study area in broad regional terms and serves as a point of reference from which the landscapes to be studied can be described. Geology The geology of Canberra region is relatively well known with sev[...]graphic units have been identified in the region of the study area (see Evans 198723, other authors h[...]elly Uplands The Mount Kelly Uplands are an area of high relief and valleys to the west of the Murrumbidgee fault. The underlying geology is formed by the granites of Murrumbidgee batholith and it is often called by[...]tern edge by a prominent escarpment. The valleys of the Cotter, Paddy’s, Orroral, Naas and Gudgenby rivers are included in this unit. A characteristic of these valleys is that they are quite open in thei[...]and they narrow and deepen as they reach the edge of the Mount Kelly Uplands, run over the Murrumbidge[...]” behind the escarpment immediately to the west of the Murrumbidgee fault. It is of interest to note that some rivers and streams act[...]ock Highlands This is the north-westem extension of the Tinderry Range and is separated from the Moun[...]n to the north east until they reach the vicinity of Queanbeyan where they run north along Sullivans fault. The underlying geology is volcanics of the Deakin and Laidlaw formation. The terrain is[...]to 1000m on local hill crests. Once on the crest of the ridges and hills there are small open areas of relatively flat terrain. The hills and slopes are marked by outcrops of stone forming scree slopes on the valley s[...] |
| [...]h lie the Canberra plains noted as being a series of plains with relic hills of more resistant material (such as Black Mountain)[...]mbidgee rivers. Van Dijk has identified a series of five peneplains created by phases of erosion and stability in the Canberra area (1959), mainly along the valley of the Molonglo River. He has correlated these with[...]hronologically (see below). Climate The climate of the region has been discussed by Pryor and Brewer[...]s - defined by McAlpine and Yapp as a succession of weeks where the soil moisture storage remains at[...]authors show that between 1901 and 1960 droughts of over four months duration occurred for 20% of the time (1969:73). Interestingly they do not dis[...]nfall between 1877 and 1977 for Queanbeyan. None of the authors discuss floods although it seems tha[...]er (1979) and Walker (1978) have mapped a series of soil-landscape associations throughout the ACT wh[...]applicable to other areas. Such classification of soils masks more complex processes of soil formation and landscape evolution. Van Dijk (1959) and Kellet (1980) have studied the processes of soil formation and landscape evolution in the region. Van Dijk studied the catchment of the Molonglo River on the Canberra Plains. He identified four major landscape surfaces, each of which had been eroded into by streams, and by she[...]ly filled by sediment deposited after each phase of erosion. Van Dijk identified five cycles of soil formation and landscape erosion-depos[...] |
| Kellet, in his investigation of the hydrogeology of two stream basins at Lanyon, identified a similar set of landsurfaces and erosion-deposition cycles in the[...]til threshold conditions are reached then periods of rapid erosion. These cycles are controlled by loc[...]helps in establishing that there was a great deal of landscape change over time in the region (not just as a result of recent clearing). It also demonstrates that soil formation processes are not just the simple result of paedogenesis on bedrock but in some areas (notabl[...]ttoms, river terraces and plains) are the results of complex patterns of pre-contact landscape evolution. Vegetation “[...]sponds to the 200011 contour in the neighbourhood of the site (presumably Canberra). Below this line t[...]ffith Taylor in 1910 identifying the key feature of the regional vegetation pattern, the expanse of treeless grassland plains and the marked tree lin[...]tween hills and plains to account for the absence of trees (1918:684-688). Pryor and later Burbidge an[...]that the grasslands were created by a combination of low rain and low temperature (1954:165). At the time of Pryor’s writing, anthropogenic explanations for the occurrence of grasslands were not considered relevant. However,[...]nal burning practices assisted in the maintenance of grassland. Themeda grasslands are well known to r[...]and plant species as well as promoting the growth of plant foods. Evidence for the role of Aborigines in burning adjacent to the Monaro plai[...]Kangaroo Grass (Themeda australia) with a mixture of Poa caespitosa on wetter, heavier soils and Stipa[...]idered that the alteration to the original extent of grasslands was so great that he could not set out[...]Surrounding the grasslands was a savanna woodland of widely spaced dominant trees (typically E. mellid[...]is limited to elevations below 760mm and rainfall of about 58cm per year. At higher elevations[...] |
| [...]ominant species form a closed canopy with a layer of small shrubs underneath. Wet sclerophyll forest[...]high. Underneath the closed canopy lies a stratum of Acacia and under this a tall shrub stratum. In we[...]ratum. On the extreme western and southern areas of the region are Alpine Woodlands dominated by E. m’phophila with a scattering of shrubs and grasses. These areas although wet are[...]tudy area is largely dominated by the unique form of the rivers and streams within it. The Naas, Gudge[...]ream from the gorges are flats, broad open areas of grassland with a swampy bottom. Flats, despite th[...]t flat but gently undulating. Around the margins of the flats is a distinctive tree line on the adja[...]d for as you go upstream you move through an area of gorge and then into a flat then another gorge an[...]at Tharwa is at 580m, Naas at 650m. The elevation of the two runs to the west, Gudgenby at c.980m and[...]through gorges and semi-gorges the steep margins of streams makes it difficult for stock to actually access the rivers thus reducing the value of river frontages in many areas as they cannot be u[...]ssible for an individual to dominate a large area of land by selecting or peacocking the frontage of a particular area. The Lands Department tried to control this by limiting the amount of frontage an individual could hold in a con[...] |
| [...]e study illustrates the formation and maintenance of a typical squatting landscape in this period from[...]un — Cuppacumbalong.99 Afier a brief overview of the settlement in the Canberra region, the process of pioneering and establishing Lanyon is discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the development of the run as a mixture of freehold and squatting settlement with a combination of agriculture and sheep grazing. Wright’s bankruptcy and ultimate sale of Lanyon is then discussed. The evidence of the age of buildings, structures and landscape at Lanyon is discussed in order to establish some idea of the landscape during Wrights occupancy. Finally,[...]eering, Wright’s social status and the question of whether the landscape was one of “captive labour” or not. REGIONAL SETTLEMENT The settlement of the Canberra region began with initial exploratio[...]s Plain, after Miss Brisbane” (Moore 1982:11). Official settlement reached the Limestone Plains in[...]k to the Judge Advocate, was issued with a ticket of occupation for land at Canberry on the Molonglo R[...]afterwards Robert Campbell was granted 4000 acres of land in the Limestone Plains area as compensation for his losses in the wreck of the Sydney in 1816 (Steven 19662281, 297). Campbell established his grant to the north of the Molonglo at Duntroon. Soon after his brother-[...]small settlement established at the head station of each run where more intensive agriculture occurre[...]re absent in Sydney. By 1828, a small settlement of some eight runs on the Limestone Plains had been established. Most of the runs were established along the Molonglo River and were on large tracts of freehold land obtained either by grant, as in the case of Campbell, or by purchase. Some landholders and ot[...]example, Timothy Beard, a 99 The main buildings of Lanyon homestead are now preserved as a popular historic site on the outskirts of Canberra in the ACT. |
| [...]r moved on from Queanbeyan when John Stephen, son of the Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court of NSW, applied for the land to be surveyed and it w[...]in 1826 (Lea-Scarlett 1968: 13-14). This pattern of squatting appears to have been quite common (Lea-[...]tlement in NSW before the huge pastoral expansion of the 1830s. Following the example of Higginbotham (1993), the Census has been used to[...]—————--- 1 This is an amalgamation of all Campbell’s holdings and it is impossible to[...]cres. I have used the latter as that was the size of Moore's grant at Canberra. Table 2 Landow[...] |
| The settlement pattem in 1828 consisted of large properties owned by absentee landlords base[...]ties listed can be placed in the Canberra region, of which all, except Molonglo, can be described as b[...]mall property -— J ier. The owners were members of the colonial Gentry and the properties were manag[...]an was a squatting run on Crown Land as the ratio of stock to land shows. Molonglo was unique in the l[...]e family. Settlement was focused along the course of the Molonglo River and grants had virtually locke[...]in this area. In the settlement at Canberra many of the elements of Government land policy (discussed in Chapter 3) a[...]. Moore first occupied his land under the Ticket of Occupation system. Campbell received his land as[...]re, Murdoch and Johnston all claimed land because of their position in society. Beard was a squatter,[...]Land without much authority and as an emancipist of a lower class, he was of the skulking squatter type. There are no details[...]The land was granted because it was in the County of Murray which was within the limits of location in October 1829. It is of interest to note that such large estates were established on the extreme edge of settlement: this indicates the pressure on grazin[...]3, which was an important factor in the expansion of squatting. Four properties, Duntroon, Ginnindarr[...]as running sheep and cattle. However, in the case of Duntroon and Ginnindarra the number of labourers listed in the Census indicate that there was a reasonable amount of cultivation as well. Presumably this was the growing of root and grain crops. A split in activities betwe[...]ith nine shepherds and seven labours, the balance of workers were the Blacksmith, Shoemaker and Superi[...]longer. In the Census just over a quarter (28%) of the land is listed as cleared. This seems to be a[...]0.7%) is more likely to measure the actual extent of clearing and bringing the land into agricultural production. Of a population of 79, there are only four women and three family gr[...]also unusual in being an ex-convict among a group of mostly respectable land owners. Campbell and the Palmers were respected colonial Gentry although not of the first rank because of their involvement in commerce. Robert |
| [...]e 6.1 detail showing the Canberra region from Map of the Colony of New South Wales, 1834 |
| Campbell was a member of the Legislative Council from 1825 and was a leading member of colonial society. The Canberra area is depicted on Mitchell’s Map of the Colony of NSW, which although published in 1834 was based on a series of surveys from 1828, onwards (Andrews 1992). The Ca[...]s, the Canberra region was surveyed within a year of the Census. The survey was a trigonometrical survey inherently more accurate than those of early explorers and thus it provides the first reasonably accurate map of the Canberra region. The map reproduced as Figur[...]un around this time. There is no evidence however of settlement in the Lanyon area before 1834. The r[...]ttern in 1829 would have been a sparse collection of buildings and cultivation plots forming the eight[...]Settlement would be sparse and little in the way of impact on the environment would be seen. Looking[...]wards Lanyon, Naas, and the mountains no evidence of settlement would be seen although no doubt the sm[...]LING THE ISABELLA PLAINS Peter Murdoch, a cousin of Governor Brisbane, who had served the Government as Superintendent of the Emu Plains government farm and later at the c[...]t Maria Island, received a grant for his services of 2000 acres of land. The land he applied for on the Isabella Pla[...]as established on what is now Portion 203, Parish of Tuggeranong, then also known as Isabella Plains ([...]n was not strictly legal, and generally consisted of an ephemeral out-station, three shepherds '00 Robert Johnston son of Colonel Johnston of the Rum Rebellion. |
| [...]d Joe Beard at Mount Tennent, which is just south of Lanyon (Andrews 1979263). Lhotsky, although visit[...]o may be inaccurate as regards location and names of those occupying land there. Subsequent evidence s[...]what was to become Lanyon. The early occupation of the Lanyon area is difficult to reconstruct. Ray discusses the evidence of a map drawn by surveyor Henry White dated 15/01/1[...]ree that “Timothy” Beard was a prior occupier of the land around Lanyon from around 1834. When sur[...]ry 1835 drew up the portion plan for the purchase of Lanyon he noted Beard’s station on what became[...]tter by reading an inscription on Lanyon’s plan of Portion 64 (see Figure 6.6 ) as “Hurst’s sheep station” (Ray 1981: 3). My reading of the inscription is “huts and sheep station” and this is born out by examination of Hoddle’s original field books (Figure 6.2) tha[...]ea as Beard’s sheep station without any mention of “Hurst”. Another question is raised by mention of George Webb’s supposed occupation of Lanyon in 1834 and dispute with Wright and Lanyon. Moore discusses this but fails to supply any evidence of the sources of his tale (Moore 1982:14). Ray (1981 :2) records t[...]r than Webb’s residence. The principal evidence of a dispute is in Davis Wright’s reminiscences wh[...]ruary 1835. I think this map may have been a copy of Dixon’s 1826 map updated. It is difficult to tell though as the National Library holds a copy of the map but not the original, which seems to be l[...]to be dated by the lithograph, which in the case of charting maps only provides a terminus post quem.[...]ce the 19603. However a copy made in 1911 as part of the creation of the ACT survives in Canberra. Hoddle‘s field books are held in the State Records of NSW. |
| [...]long; III/.1 .1" MM maximal :a/d at Me 54/! of I?" /035 //70 Acres-We u[...]11mg...“ 1-.- f g M 3| m ‘ Figure 6.3 Plan of Portions of land applied for to purchase under the regulations of lst August 1831 by John Hamilton Mortimer[...] |
| [...]miniscences, suggesting that Webb was in the area of Lanyon around 1835. Webb may have been the indivi[...]ssed later). Hoddle’s field books show a number ofof several major pastoral holdings on the Canberra plains situated mainly along the Molonglo River. Some of these would have had temporary out-stations occup[...]ross the plains. In the valleys beyond the limits of location smaller squatters such as Herbert at Naa[...]John Hamilton Mortimer Lanyon ventured in search of a grazing run. ESTABLISHING LANYON RUNm The owners James Wright was born about 1797, one of the sons of William Wright a merchant of Derbyshire and later Surrey. He seems to have com[...]correspondence as “esquire” which was a sign of respectability. All we know about Wright’s background is based on the memories of his son William Davis Wright. According to Davis[...]s described as a “merchant”. Little is known of John Hamilton Mortimer Lanyon. Born in England in[...]ss (1982: 13). However, Ray points to the absence of Lanyon on the passenger list and his presence on that of the Medway as evidence that Wright and Lanyon did[...]econd is Pam Ray’s history commissioned as part of the conservation planning for Lanyon. Finally sev[...]later is Chamber’s history commissioned as part of Lanyon’s interpretation. As will become apparent in the course of this chapter, each has their strengths and[...] |
| no claim on Wright, James Wright may have had the majority of the capital while John Lanyon, provided the youth[...]on 25 April 1840. His brothers were William, 4th Officer of the East Indiaman Hythe, who died 18 November 1831 “by the upsetting of a boat in the Canton river” and Charles, a nota[...]ounds and had connections with trade and a degree of respectability. As such they were typical of what de Serville identified as “men of substance and respectability” (1980:32). This group was outside “good society” but formed the core of land owners, squatters, civil servants, and profe[...]rank behind the Campbells and Palmers, who while of the same social rank, had acquired a pre-eminance[...]their long residence in the colony and were part of the Colonial Gentry. There is no evidence that either Wright or Lanyon had any experience of sheep farming. Lanyon only remained in Australia[...]left an indelible mark on the country in the form of his name. William Wright, James’ eldest brothe[...]some capital with him as he purchased the balance of the Lanyon estate. James Wright’s list of creditors include the following, described as cas[...]mercial interests into Australia. Presumably news of the commercial opportunities in the sheep industr[...]ospect, William Wright was sent out with the bulk of the capital. John Lanyon may have been a f[...] |
| he was destined to be the manager of the property. This was a typical arrangement havi[...]ctoria. Initial occupation The precise sequence of events leading to Wright and Lanyon’s occupation of Lanyon is unclear. Chambers claims that “Wright[...]anyon (1987: 1). While this seems a likely course of action, Chambers does not supply convincing evide[...]nearest settler” ( 1982: 1 3), despite evidence of Beard’s occupation of a site on Lanyon. Moore also gives an account of the activities of establishing themselves on the site, again based on no evidence although it is likely from other accounts of settling that they followed a similar procedure.1[...]land fronted the Murrumbidgee River and the rear of the blocks rested on the hills. The northern boundary of the land was Murdoch land. Four lots were surveye[...]64 960 acres The land was sold at an upset price of 5/— per acre at auction on the 13th February 18[...]otal estate was 4790 acres and at the upset price of 5/- per acre would have cost £1197 to establish.[...]a much larger squatting run. Presumably, the lack of secure tenure was the reason, which points to a conservatism in his financial dealings. '04 One of the frustrating aspects of these histories is their lack of references. I have been told that Moore drew on a number of original documents in his possession, whic[...] |
| [...]n commissioned by James Wright and to be the work of a Sydney draftsman (1982:20). This ignores the evidence of the annotation as Lanyon’s block never was owne[...]ot purchase all the portions. '05 The provenance of these maps is slightly mysterious. They ar[...] |
| [...]r . 2...?4,” ’- 00 Flat": Figure 6.4 Plan of Lanyon (sourced to the ACT Heritage Unit) Figure[...]p to 1834 (1981226) which is wrong given the date of the land purchases. This plan is regarded by some[...]oue-Long 1993282) as indicating Lanyon’s dreams of a massive pastoral expansion. Blair and Claoue-Long comment “The sketch map of L’Anyon estate is attributed to John Lanyon. It[...]ining the Lanyon property” (1993182). This view of the map as a veritable Schlieffen plan of pastoral dominance goes far beyond the evidence of the plan itself. The annotations on the pl[...] |
| [...]_. V .ch It 40 (Kiel-ll lo ‘1 Figure 6.5 Plan of L’Anyon Estate (sourced to ACT Heritage Unit) adjacent to Wright’s and Lanyon’s purchases in terms of grazing capability this was a typical annotation to plans of that time. Who knows what Lanyon’s dreams of pastoral conquest were? Both maps show some of the features on the property. Figure 6.6 shows a[...]and sheep station on Portion 64. This is the site of Beard’s huts, which are in the area just north of the Tharwa Road and south of Lanyon homestead. There is no indication of any construction on the site of the present Lanyon homestead. The map is also annotated on the west bank of the |
| [...]not occurred at this time. Based on the depiction of two huts it is suggested that the hut located on[...]men occupying the other hut to the south. Remains of this hut have been searched for by a number of archaeologists but no archaeological evidence of its location has been found. By the end of 1836, the Lanyon estate consisted of some 4770 acres of freehold land. The freehold land took in two dist[...]y Ranges that run roughly north-south to the east of Wrights freehold land. The configuration of these ranges, the Murrumbidgee River and Mount Tennent, combine to form a sort of bowl shaped landscape, termed “the Lanyon bowl”(Taylor et a1. 1987). The rest of the Lanyon estate is located within this bowl although the fieehold land only extends to the base of the steeply rising slopes. Immediately east of the freehold land, the hills steeply rise in a si[...]metre wide and then rises moderately to the crest of the ranges. The rising flanks of Lanyon Hill would not have been good sheep countr[...]st would have been good sheep country. The bottom of the Lanyon bowl would have also been good for she[...]gh it. Squatting options could be to put a flock of sheep up into the valley to the east and graze ca[...]e them and had to be removed as he was in the way of Wright’s plan to occupy the land as a squatting run. With the passing of the 1836 “An Act to restrain the unauthorised occupation of Crown Lands” (7 Will IV c. 4) it was now legal for squatting outside the limits of location to occur. A hitherto unpublished letter of 15‘h September 1836, James Wright to the Coloni[...]reads: Sir I beg to address you for the purpose of requesting information as to when, where, to whom[...]the necessary licence for a continued occupation of Crown land without the |
| [...]a c A; 4R4\..\.. Figure 6.6 Plan of Lanyon (sourced to ACT Heritage Unit) |
| [...]ps necessary to be taken for removing from a part of the land above named a squatter notorious for sel[...]d other infamous characters. Awaiting the favour of your reply I am sir your most obedient servant ([...]Secretary 4/1 117.1 letter 36/7647, State Records of NSW) Wright was sent the appropriate form to com[...]s application, which was granted, was in the name of William and James Wright and listed their assets as 2,820 acres, 4000 sheep and 300 head of cattle. (Applications from individuals for depasturing licences, Colonial Secretary 4/1117.1 Register of Applications, 36/ 10636 is the Wrights application, State Records of NSW). The above letter to the Colonial Secretary[...]d established a squatting run on the eastern bank of the Murrumbidgee by 1836. Whether the squatter co[...]uatter’s name or his fate. However the evidence of this letter fits Davis Wright’s evidence and t[...]and had to be removed by Wright. Whether Webb was of such notorious character is doubtful. As the Colo[...]ry was hardly likely to remove a respected member ofof them actually had any right to be there. But, bec[...]rious character and Wright, by implication is not of that ilk, Wright assumed that Webb would be sent[...]s the Cuppacumbalong run. Given the difficulties of crossing the Murrumbidgee River a '06 It[...] |
| [...]river to service Wright’s workers. The process of establishing the run involved the inspection of the property, the purchasing of freehold land (which is unusual for a squatter) and the dispossession of prior occupiers, in this case not the Aborigines, but two squatters of lesser status, Beard and Webb. There is no evidence of what, if any, changes to the landscape were made.[...]near the river. CONSOLIDATING THE RUN The task of establishing Lanyon was concluded with the auctions of 1836 and the taking up of what was to become Cuppacumbalong. By 1837 of course, John Lanyon had left and William Wright w[...]right to manage the property and Lanyon’s share of the sheep himself. With William Wright’s death,[...], provide some insight into Wright’s husbanding of his runs. Although Wright wrote to the Colonial Secretary in August to complain of the difficulty in finding a Magistrate in order[...]on received assigned convicts once their purchase of Lanyon was finalised and that records of this have been overlooked. Convicts were a cheap[...]94-95) is missing the detail in the whole system of convict assignment. Assignment of convicts to settlers was introduced as part of a general hardening of the convict system in the wake of the Bigge reports (Shaw 19712191). While the cost of labour was saved, Governor Gipps claimed t[...] |
| [...]h Hive Susan Lord Sidmouth Lady Nugent Marquis of Hastings Lady Nugent Strathfieldsay John Barry[...]primary source material on Wright’s management of Lanyon comes from the Deposition Books of the Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates (Bench of Magistrates Deposition Book, Queanbeyan, State Re[...]“convict stain". 163 Hirst comments “one of the colony’s claims to fame ought to be that it[...]rds - worked alone” (1983265). Precise details of the assignment process of Wright’s management of convicts have not survived.'°8 However, the 1837[...]n is easily explained when the convoluted methods of preparing the muster are understood (see B[...] |
| 164 inevitably focuses on the less successful aspects of the convict/master relationship. However, the depositions do give important evidence of conditions on the run. The evidence of the Deposition Books show that there was a farm and dairy run by one group of convicts and a sheep operation run by convict shepherds and hut keepers away from the main core of Lanyon. Exactly when this system started is uncle[...]as Appleby seems to have supervised the shepherds of whom there were about 20 in mid-1840. Appleby’s[...]regular basis to ensure they were working (Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Administration of Justice at Queanbeyan: Depositions of Lockyer and Appleby.) Both Matthews and Appleby[...]oncerning sheep, in particular the shepherds loss of flocks and the resulting sheep deaths. In common with many others, Wright had an incentive system of rationing. Government rations were issued to thos[...]ssued to those well behaved. How well this system of incentive worked is unclear, however convicts wer[...]was hardly Wright’s alone as a serious analysis of the Queanbeyan Deposition book evidence shows tha[...]October 1837 Farquhar McKenzie and Donald McLeod of Gundaroo visited Lanyon. McKenzie wrote “one of the most picturesque places I have seen in the co[...]y 1981 :22). This suggests that little in the way of construction, planting gardens or clearing had oc[...]ht. In the Deposition books the geographic extent of Lanyon can be inferred by the localities where cr[...]e stopped at an '09 This touches on the question of interpreting convict actions as acts of protest. Following Atkinson’s article on[...] |
| [...]might have been with his flock in the area south of Sawyers gully. Following this area, the terrain b[...]per and rocky before opening out at the beginning of the Naas valley. Wright must have occupied the northern end of the Naas valley, before the Gudgenby and Naas Riv[...]d Naas). This caused difficulties as the flocks of Herbert and Wright occasionally got mixed. This was a serious problem, apart from the absence of drafting facilities, which would have sped up the process of sorting them out. Mixing sheep would have spread[...]ons (by this the prisoners seem to mean locations of small huts for shepherds and watchmen) were locat[...]ree-mile radius suggests that the area just south of Tharwa is the most likely location for the station. With the establishment of the Commissioners of Crown Lands (CCL) in 1839, Henry Bingham was appo[...]bidgee District, which commenced on the west bank of the Murrumbidgee River - the boundary of the County of Murray. Bingham’s first action on being appoin[...]district and covers the runs on the western bank of the Murrumbidgee as well as mentioning Lanyon where Bingham spent a night. The details of his itinerary are reproduced as Table 4. |
| 166 Table 4 Itinerary of Henry Bingham CCL in 1839 2/10/38 James Wright J[...]ssa Macquord and Weston John Weston No of residents N N 3/10/38 ._. DJ (FRESHFORD ??[...]Chippendale illegible 5/10/38 Table 4 Itinerary of Henry Bingham CCL in 1839 (ctd.) WW$_ Run of Buildings ation _—------— Porthole Sla[...] |
| [...]lled to Lanyon These records document the spread of squatting along the western Murrumbidgee River and into the mountain valleys. Wright had a large run of 23 miles, predominantly grazing sheep. No cultiva[...]s was occurring at Lanyon the homestead.1 H It is of interest that Macquoid’s run does not have cult[...]ining runs do. Wanniassa was also an out-station of Macquoid’s freehold property (then called Wanas[...]to be owner-occupied. The identity and location of the second Porthole run held by R. Pasmore has pu[...]. Possibly, Porthole may have been an out-station ofof the runs he Visited. Given this, if Porthole was[...]nformed speculation rather than verifiable fact, of which none seem to be available. The land to the north of Lanyon was the Wanniassa estate (or Tuggeranong)[...]ho owned the next block to the north. The Sheriff of the Supreme Court of NSW, Colonel Thomas Hiah Macquoid appears to have[...]). Gradually he built up a large pastoral holding of almost 7000 acres freehold land as well as the squatting run of Freshford over the Murrumbidgee from Tuggeranong.[...]to run the property (1982:64). Among the friends of the Macquoid family was the family of Bishop Broughton, the first Anglican Bishop of Australia. Bishop Broughton’s party returned to[...]shop Broughton’s party was Mary Davis, daughter of William and Jane Davis and eldest of eleven children. In Sydney Mary lived first with[...]married in St James Church (Ray 1982:11). Details of Wright’s courtship are briefly mentione[...] |
| [...]med by Chambers, Moore, and Ray that the marriage of Wright would have resulted in the upgrading of the accommodation at Lanyon (Moore 198225). The construction of Wright’s second house is thought to be due to the presence of Mary although typically the historians dispute the precise details of the nature and construction of the house. However Larrner’s sketch of December 1840 shows a modest establishment of three buildings and possible a barn and yards (see Figure 6.7). The Census of 1841, compiled by the Commissioner of Crown Lands Henry Bingham, lists a population of 59 persons at Lanyon. This comprised 8 married ma[...]ydney State Records X950 Reel 2223). The balance of Mary Wright’s family emigrated in 1841 , arrivi[...]ed to Sydney to meet them. The an'ivals consisted of Mary’s parents William and Jane Davis plus six children. Wright engaged some of the emigrant families on the ship to work for him and most of them later became prominent citizens of the Canberra area (Moore 1982:40). It appears that Wright gave the Davis family part of the Cuppacumbalong run to occupy for they were es[...]to Cuppacumbalong in 1843. Curiously the effect of the ending of convict assignment in July 1841 is not discussed in the histories of Lanyon, though this must have resulted in changes[...]on was run. One effect may have been scaling down of Wright’s agricultural activities as there seems little evidence of these in his bankruptcy papers and they would hav[...]ormation about the transition from the pioneering of Lanyon to a more settled establishment. Presumabl[...]nvicts, as he would have had to provide some form of accommodation for them. The depositions in the Be[...]ty. The farming activities occurred near the site of Lanyon homestead while the sheep grazing occurred[...]roombah runs). The most intensive transformation of the landscape would have occurred near the Lanyon[...]on was established. There is no physical evidence of this now but it seems likely it was established o[...]hed. The sheep would have been grazed in a series of outstations located on the flats across the run.[...]s established at Cuppacumbalong on the other side of the Murrumbidgee. |
| [...]ng previously (as Wright charged two assigned men of Ritchie’s in the Queanbeyan Court). The terms were £12 per acre, 3 total of £330 plus interest.‘ ‘3 On the 22 February 1841, Wright borrowed £1000 from the Savings Bank of NSW and in August of that year he borrowed £100 from his agent Charle[...]the whole economy been suffering from the effects of drought. This effectively killed the expansion of the pastoral industry, which was in effect a spec[...]The whole economy began to decline with the loss of pastoral income from on-selling of runs, sheep and with the decline in wool prices, marking the beginning of the severe depression of the 1840s. On 12 August 1843, Wright’s estate[...]e applied for relief under the Act for the relief of Insolvent Debts (Solvent Debtors Act 1843). The provisions of the act allowed Wright to come to some form of agreement with his creditors to organise repaymen[...]debt. Wright’s bankruptcy file (State Records of NSW 2/8743 packet 858) gives the sad story of his indebtedness. Table 5 Wright’s Financial Situation as of 12 August 1843 Debts £8470 4/ 9d Land £1648 Pe[...]owed some £1200. These were the running expenses of the property (over say a year). He also owed some £7260 in the form of capital probably requiring say £726 per annum as[...]eded nearly £2000 per annum. However, his flock of 1500114 sheep may have produced only £156 worth of wool per annum (based on Curr’s calculations in[...]ep but even so, there is a suspicious deficiency of sheep. If I were avoiding bankruptcy I wou[...] |
| 1972:117). One disadvantage Wright had was the cost of owning Lanyon freehold rather in contrast to the cost of holding a squatting run (£10). This cost was the[...]explain the £4425 deficiency. With the absence of the Lanyon books and without considering Wright’s other pastoral interests (remember Wright had a flock of 8170 sheep at the Port Hole run in 1839) it is di[...]ght left no reputation as being a lavish spender of money. Wright’s personal possessions was itemised as follows: The personal possessions of James Wright and family at Lanyon in 18431 '5 ([...]solvent Estates 2/8743 Packet 858, State Records of NSW) 1) Inventory of the effects of James Wright of Lanyon near Queanbeyan - Insolvent 1 dining tab[...]chair 7 chairs 1 sofa 1 bookcase 300 volumes of books 1 clock 7 sporting pictures 1 four post bedstead, bed? of bedding 1 looking glass I wash basin stand, basin & ? 2 stretcher, beds of bedding 1 small looking glass 1 wardrobe 1 fou[...]bedding I wash basin stand, basin & e?? 2 chest of draws 1 commode 2 stretcher beds & bedding 1 d[...]loughs, 2 harrows ”5 There are two inventories of different dates one merely lists the items[...] |
| [...]d tools 3 pair steelyards some earthenware 3000 of Sheep thereabouts 4 mares- 1 filly 9 - 4 foals[...]solvent Schedule “C” 12 August 1843 596 head of cattle of both sexes and mixed ages @ 40/- £1192 |
| 19 head of horses, foals, colts, mares & horses @ 10 £190 1[...]rsery £6 6d chairs 20/- Wright chair 10/-, chest of draws 50/- serving glasses 7/- children’s ? 3/6, £4 - 6d 2 wardrobes 10/ -1 Wardrobe £6, old chest of draws 17/-, celleret 12/-, Couch 17/9 12 chairs[...]all framed prints £9 8/- 12/- about 100 volumes of books £6, Fender and fire irons 16/- £6 16/-[...]Wright paid 6d in the pound according to the plan of distribution approved by his |
| [...]right’s failure has to be placed in the context of the 18408 depression and the marginal economics of sheep farming. This is something the historians of Lanyon have failed to do. Wright’s insolvency w[...]solated event. It was one failure in what was one of the three major economic downturns in Australian[...]ebt to repay and unnecessarily increased the cost of setting up the station. In fact, Lanyon’s position on the limits of location gave Wright an advantage in recovering his position. The 15,000 acres of Cuppacumbalong with an annual licence fee of £10 was cheaper to run than the 4130 acres freehold of Lanyon mortgaged to the Bank. One also suspects that much of Wright’s stock would have been moved to Cuppacu[...]ight’s costs considerably while preserving many of his currently devalued assets (i. e. sheep and ca[...]e 1840s depression rather than the desperate move of an incompetent. THE LANYON BUILDINGS, STRUCTURES[...]dence in Hoddle’s survey notes and portion plan of an earlier occupation of the Lanyon by Timothy Beard’s men who seemed to[...]ed off (or delineated in some other way ) an area of three paddocks (see Figure 6.2). Hoddle also reco[...]ably the same hut was recorded twice). No mention of a hut belonging to Lanyon and Wright is recorded[...]on the flats and probably subject to the prospect of flooding. The site chosen for the main house wa[...]til it steeply rises (some 100m) to form a series of hills. To the east and around to the south is a s[...]y rises until suddenly there is a very steep rise of 60 to 100m. The Murrumbidgee runs roughly[...] |
| [...]country with a large flattish area directly west of the homestead’s location, over the river. The site chosen is in the middle of the estate but somewhat isolated from the norther[...]s interesting about the location is that the site of the house does not “dominate” the landscape.[...]south, Lanyon is quite prominent but the view is of the rear of the buildings, the working part. If Lanyon was in[...]over the Murrumbidgee at Tharwa. In her history of Lanyon, Ray discusses the likely sequence of building construction on the property. Bravely going against the accepted tradition, Ray argued that none of the stone buildings currently on Lanyon were cons[...]he property in 1841. Ray argues that construction of the stone buildings in the years following would[...]ous data” preferring the “eye-witness account of a man born there during 1841” - namely Davis Wr[...]to assume, but by Henry Bingham, the Commissioner of Crown Lands, who not only lived locally but also on his tours of inspection appears to have stayed at Lanyon at le[...]as it was written and not subject to the failings of human memory. The Census would therefore seem to be a reasonably reliable document. For all that, it is of limited value being merely an enumeration of the population and houses rather than a detailed description of the property. Turner and Lawson in summarising t[...]en Taylor (1985) support this belief. Descendants of Andrew Cunningham seem divided in their views (Transcript of interviews Lanyon file). Both Cox and Tan[...] |
| Figure 6.7 Larmer’s sketch Plan of Lanyon, December 1840 |
| This great weight of opinion is of course largely based on historical tradition and Davis Wright. If the authorities cited in support of the accepted tradition are read, one finds that[...]egson’s archaeological work is cited in support of a Wright era date for a building (Turner and Laws[...]6 (1979, 1983). The same can be said for the work of Moore, Taylor and Cox and Tanner. Apart from Davi[...]to support the Stone Building =Wright Era theory of Lanyon construction. The weight of support for this theory collapses when the strength of the one primary source,1 7 which all the secondary sources cited above use, is undermined. The lack of historical evidence has not stopped Chambers, Tay[...]egson fi'om concurring with the traditional view of the buildings ages on the basis of simple building construction and “strongly evocative in every detail of stone farm buildings in Derbyshire, England, wher[...](Taylor et al. 1987:99 fn 21.). Such convocation of experts however does not mean that historical evi[...]d not seen 19872). Larrner surveyed the alignment of the road from Queanbeyan to Mr. Wright’s statio[...]dock and the property boundary as well as details of other properties such as Wanniassa homestead in h[...]primary source given his distance from the events of 1841. “8 This plan while not catalogued in the[...]150, A0 aperture card 5254. No doubt the absence of this plan from the catalogue meant that hi[...] |
| [...]d by his trustee and although production and sale of wool is recorded, no costs of construction are allocated up to 1848. It would h[...]sold, as he would lose the building and the value of any money spent constructing it. The arrival of the Davis family after Larmer’s map of 1841 may have prompted the construction of the Lanyon buildings, but why then are they not listed in Wright’s bankruptcy file? The Court inventory of Wright’s landed property is reproduced below: Table 7 Inventory of Wright’s Property Description of the Property Lanyon Cottage dwelling, huts, farm[...]due to their inherently greater value? It is also of interest to note that none of Wright’s assets on Cuppacumbalong seem to be r[...]t is a field sketch and needs to be redrawn. Two of Wright’s buildings are dimensioned and the main axis of the largest is known as being S65° W or 245 °ma[...]l have the same general axis and a simple reading of building alignment will assist in providin[...] |
| [...]not) depicted on Larmer’s plan. The dimensions of some of the buildings are shown in links (as was customar[...]. There are three dimensions: Table 8 Conversion of dimensions on the Larmer Plan 90 links 59[...] |
| Figure 6.9 Illustration of Lanyon homestead, September 1869 |
| [...]is matter Turner and Lawson’s excellent summary of the evidence relating to the Lanyon outbuildings[...]the rectangle is indicating the general location of Lanyon homestead rather than a specific hut. Thi[...]the current buildings dimensions do not match any of those on Larmer’s plan. Turner and Lawson note[...]ston-Gregson (1982) excavated in the northern end of the building. He identified some fifteen stratigraphic units and made an interpretation of the sequence ofof the building, presumably as it had not been seen[...]escribed to be used to verify the suggested dates of building construction. Based on the plans of the building the longest axis does not conform to[...]ought to be original. The dimensions and position of the building are incompatible with the evi[...] |
| [...]uilding appears to be mentioned in the conveyance of lot 64 from Charles Roemer to Andrew Cunningham o[...]er and Lawson are rightly sceptical about the use of this building as a “gaol” (1994), the buildin[...]a stone structure located some 600m. to the north of Lanyon on Portion 61. Although out of the frame of Larmer’s sketch, Ray makes the point that if ex[...]n (1979) as occurring on the site. Most important of these is Homestead Three. This is illustrated in the picture of Lanyon in the Illustrated Sydney News (12/09/1869[...]the main homestead (see Figure 6.9). Excavations of the building site in 1979 located a cistern but no evidence of this earlier building (Winston- Gregson 1979). Ra[...]tion that early buildings are stone in his dating of the stratigraphic sequence. Later excavations claim to have found evidence of this building but the final reports are still being searched for. Based on my interpretation of the Larmer map this building is in the right loca[...]inks) long. Unfortunately, the precise dimensions of “Homestead Three” are not available to verify[...]e modern homestead which may explain why evidence of their existence has not been found. As well as the buildings, there is the garden of Mary Wright. This is claimed to be located to the west and south of building one (Winston-Gregson 1979:32). Evidence of the garden as being Mary Wright’s has not been presented. Indeed the study of the gardens at Lanyon largely ignores the Wright era (Lehany 1986). From the Bench of Magistrates reports there was a garden where vege[...], it is difficult to provide convincing evidence of any extant Wright era building at Lanyon. Thanks to Larmer’s field notes, we have a visual idea of the morphology of Lanyon in 1840. Unfortunately it is different to[...]o the current buildings on the site. If the views of Ray were accepted, that the early building[...] |
| [...]not being able to be related back to the evidence of Larmer’s plan. They were not there in 1840 to b[...]f the archaeological work had addressed the issue of the dating of the buildings and had been more extensive (and be[...]Wright’s native Derbyshire with its collection of stone buildings around a courtyard” (Blair and[...]during the Wright era, we turn now to the reading of the Lanyon landscape in the period of Wright’s occupancy (1834-1848). Boundaries La[...]rs were settling and the area was under a variety of land tenures. Initially Lanyon was the land purchased by Lanyon and the Wright’s in 1835, some of which was squatted on by Timothy Beard. Fairly soon thereafter squatting across the limits of location occurred, certainly by 1836 when Wright[...]move Webb on. It is likely that Wright was master of all the land in the Lanyon bowl. The good grazing land up to the edges of the ranges (probably where the trees began to get[...]wn as Boroombah and Cuppacumbalong and the limits of location were largely ignored. The boundaries of all these runs rested in the east and west on nat[...]rd) were not as clear—cut. However, no evidence of disputes has been found. Apart from the core of Lanyon there is evidence that Wright also utilise[...]region for his sheep especially during the years of drought when he, like other squatters, put his sheep on the road in search of fodder. In 1843 Boroombah was separated o[...] |
| 184 Cuppacumbalong would have been made. The separation of the two runs or estates was easy as the river for[...]ting runs. Land uses and activities The pattern of land use at Lanyon divides into two functions. Firstly, there was the use of land for agriculture. This involved the creating of gardens, sowing and reaping of crops as well as some dairying activities. It is difficult to assess the importance of this in comparison with Wright’s grazing activities. Obviously, it supplied the needs of his assignees and employees for food but there ma[...]rly agriculture cautions the historian to be wary of the greater emphasis placed in the histories on sheep rather than agriculture which was a greater component of the economy (Raby 1996). The second use was grazing, mainly sheep, although Wright also had a herd of cattle. Sheep numbers seem to be variable between[...]ulture, grazing was spread over the entire extent of Wright’s domain but with less intensive impact. Patterns of spatial organisation With the differing type of landuse came differing patterns of spatial organisation. With agriculture space was[...]carted somewhere (as Joseph Keenhan’s defiance of Wright lost a day’s wheat carrying). Presumably[...]uildings. The homestead would have been the focus of all agricultural work providing accommodation for[...]or equipment and produce, as well as the location of the dairy and the pigs. The bell was rung to indi[...]. Sheep grazing was organised around the concept of the flock: some hundreds of sheep (flocks of 400-500 are reported in the Bench Books) tended b[...]hurdles at night to prevent their wandering. Some of these flocks seem to be relatively mobile, other[...]walked the flocks each day. For Lanyon, we know of flocks established in the Naas valley, three mil[...]tead at Lanyon. The homestead provided the source of supplies for the flocks and their shepherds. The[...]shom and returned to their pasture. The location of each flock was determined by the terrain[...] |
| [...]ies. Based on what is known about later patterns of occupation (see Chapter Seven) it is suggested th[...]Boroombah, near Lambrigg, in Sawyers Gully, north of Naas and at Binda. The density of occupation seems to be low in comparison with lat[...]was grassland and open forest located in a series of flats surrounded by steep ridges. Wright and Lan[...]n naturally occurring grasslands with no evidence of attempts to “improve” on the grasslands. The[...]culture near Lanyon homestead at the “bottom” of the “Lanyon bowl” was in contrast cleared and cultivated. The positioning of the homestead complex in the landscape is on a ri[...]unt Tennent. However the current buildings —all of the Cunningham era - are orientated with their fr[...]. I think the effect might be to give a full view of the homestead as one comes down the drive and the[...]s currently obscured. The well known illustration of Lanyon from 1869 shows this effect (Figure 6.9) a[...]Mount Tennent is foreshortened. The orientation of Wright’s buildings, I think, would be much the same for two main reasons. Firstly, once the orientation of buildings is established on a site it is difficu[...]rack in from the road. This would place the rear of Wright’s buildings towards the fields, hardly[...]or intimidating position if this was a landscape of coercion or dominance, but convenient for farm work. The same point could be argued for the actual position of the homestead, which is not on the most prominent[...]rather than on the landscape. Thus, the relevance of Farquhar McKenzie’s comment quoted earlier in t[...]nd refined. Circulation networks The geography of Lanyon largely controls the circulation ne[...] |
| [...]cross the Murrumbidgee at Tharwa. Larmer’s plan of 1841 shows the road more or less in its present p[...]sed it, forcing travellers onto the surveyed line of road (see Chapter Seven). The major barrier was the crossing of the Murrumbidgee. The difficulty lay in the variable nature of the river's flow. Generally, it was crossable an[...]d at Point Hut. From Point Hut the northern parts of Cuppacumbalong around Conlon’s Corner could be[...]Judging from the evidence in the Deposition Books of the Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates (State Records NSW 4/5650) it was pos[...]erseer” were mounted and could travel a circuit of the out-stations in a day, provided crossing the[...]om Lanyon. Boundary demarcations The boundaries of Lanyon would have been the natural features of the landscape marking the limits of areas occupied by Wright’s flocks. It seems from Larmer’s map that on the freehold land the boundaries of each allotment were marked by blazes on trees and ploughed furrows. Fences of some sort would have marked the boundaries of the gardens and farmed areas. No phycial or documentary evidence of boundary markers delineating entrance onto the La[...]been found. Vegetation Related to Land Use Part of the appeal of grazing in the Lanyon area was that the gr[...] |
| [...]ld have occurred previously with the introduction of cattle and sheep to the Kangaroo grass (Themeda australis) grasslands of the Canberra plains. Grazing would have brought t[...]grazing may have opened the way for the invasion of other species but the canopy of the Kangaroo grass would have obscured this from[...]Pryor 1954: 176-177). Secondly the fire regimes of the Canberra region would have been disrupted and[...]occasional burning to prevent the vigorous canopy of the Kangaroo grass from shading the patches betwe[...]ntact burning (1954). There is however, no record of squatting fire regimes in this period. These ch[...]More obvious vegetation changes were the clearing of a paddock for wheat and the cultivation of other paddocks for vegetables close by Lanyon hom[...]econdary cluster would have been on the west bank of the Murrumbidgee where Cuppacumbalong homestead w[...]at there was a garden in the Wright era, evidence of this garden is hard to find. Ray notes that in t[...]and it is suggested that the garden was the work of Mary Wright (1981 :36). Lehany’s conservation analysis of the Lanyon gardens and grounds unfortunately starts in 1849, presumably as there was no evidence of earlier gardens (Lehany 1986). '20 All that can b[...]e was possibly a garden. CONCLUSION The process of pioneering was one of in-filling between a loose network of pastoral runs. Lhotsky in 1834 noted Herbert at N[...]been no archaeological study looking for evidence of Wright’s garden. '2' No historian has establish[...]tled at Naas or why he took up land there instead of the more extensive plains to the north. |
| [...]locality in 1834. Interestingly the first action of Wright and Lanyon in creating their estate was to[...]t on vacant Crown Land as did Wright. The impact of pioneering was minimal and gradual. But there was little in the landscape save the obvious presence of sheep, their shepherds and the homestead to indic[...]. The squatting landscape at this stage consisted of the Aboriginal landscape plus sheep (and minus th[...]to Sydney by sea. I suspect that after the ending of assignment in July 1841 Wright scaled back his ag[...]squatter to have freehold land — George Russell of the Clyde Company was another— but generally sq[...]s was partly because they were outside the limits of settlement, but even when the pre-emptive right w[...]to what extent can Lanyon be seen as a landscape of captive labour (1993a; 1993b)? It seems that they view the landscape as one likely to contain evidence of surveillance and coercion of the convicts, which is in line with their view that Wright had to coerce his workers. They write of Wright’s homestead providing unobstructed views of the barn and Stockyards, cultivation areas, orchards and gardens, all of which were convict workplaces (1993:85). The ston[...]roviding “a vantage point for the surveillance of Wright’s out-stations at what is now the Naas-[...]would have been more convincing had their reading of the landscape paid more attention to the historic[...]s, which is obscured by Mount Tennent and a ridge of 700m elevation and Boroombah which is behind a ridge of elevation no less than 600 111. Moreover, by igno[...]ly without realising its importance. The evidence of coercion in the landscape does not exist. |
| 189 The point about the Lanyon “landscape of captive labour” is that sheep grazing by its na[...]rvised at all times. As can be seen by the number of absent or stray convicts, it was very easy to abs[...]iate with his assigned convicts some shared sense of responsibility for his enterprise. The differenti[...]common practice in the convict era - was one form of incentive. Possibly, there was some form of unofficial wage system or bonus such as a share of the increase in flocks. Whatever the system was,[...]e documentary record, except through the absences of overtly coercive buildings and structures. My reading of the Bench Books is that there was a general decre[...]rly 1840 with the inquiry into the Administration of Justice in Queanbeyan (see Appendix Three). After[...]We know from Wright’s appointment as a Justice of the Peace and his purchase of freehold land that he was a man of property and status. His letter of the 15th September 1836, asking that Webb be remo[...]licit claim that he was respectable and deserving of consideration in this matter. In his role as a Justice of the Peace on the Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates Wright was an important person in the[...]ndix Three) I argue that Wright misplays the role of J. P. and, by inspecting a convict’s back afie[...]lity leaving him in an uncertain position. Echoes of this are seen in the historigraphic treatment of Wright as a flogging magistrate. What can be seen of Wright’s social status in the Lanyon landscape? The size of the estate is one indication of Wright’s economic position both before and afte[...]en a homestead and cultivated fields and flocks of sheep. Whether it was well husbanded is not clear. Certainly there was the stain of bankruptcy which split the estate causing Wright[...]e read from the landscape if more precise details of Wright's house, outbuildings, and gardens were available. But in this we are hampered by the confusion of previous historical and archaeological research.[...]nsolvent Estates 2/8743 Packet 858, State Records of NSW). This list shows that Wright could muster at[...]table and setting for 12. If the crockery was not of sufficient value to be listed as a dining set, t[...]have added a nice touch to the room. These items of material culture |
| [...]ertainly maintaining appearances even at the edge of the limits of location. To summarise, Wright emerges as an amb[...]ility and to that extend was rewarded with public office. Nevertheless, he then misplayed his role as a J. P. The fact that many of his convicts were prosecuted and some escaped is[...]ch resulted in him being caught with a high level of debt when the speculative boom in sheep busted. B[...]ader context Wright certainly fits into the role of a respectable squatter both from the point of his estate and from what we can glean from[...] |
| INTRODUCTION The de Salis family estate of Cuppacumbalong Run and Coolemon Run was located to the south west of Canberra on the Murrumbidgee River. The aim of this chapter is to look in detail at the process of husbanding the run in the face of the selection movement. The availability of detailed selection records, the diaries of George de Salis, and the comparatively unaltered nature of the current landscape allows the process of creating, husbanding and defending the de Salis e[...]one. As discussed earlier, especially in the case of Lanyon, the pioneering period of squatting created landscapes that were little modified from those occupied by the Aborigines. The period of husbanding the de Salis estate created a more dis[...]ltural landscape, driven in part from the process of maintaining the run and making a profit, and par[...]runs and creating the de Salis estate. The impact of the selection strategy on the landscape of the run is then discussed. In the previous chapter, the establishment of the Lanyon and Cuppacumbalong runs by Wright and[...]er the Murrumbidgee River (and outside the limits of location), west from Lanyon run. Cuppacumbalong was part of the Lanyon estate. The Commissioner of Crown Lands listed “slab and bark huts” on Cu[...]e located in the Tharwa area as this was the site of the best ford over the Murrumbidgee River. In 184[...]841. Wright’s insolvency resulted in the focus of his pastoral activities changing to Cuppacumbalon[...]ra Run. Although Cunningham had little in the way of capital in those years, he was able to negotiate the purchase of the Lanyon estate from Wright’s creditor[...] |
| The de Salis family The origins of the de Salis family have been outlined in an info[...]witzerland. A Peter von Salis, a hereditary count of the Holy Roman Empire, founded the English branch of the family. Peter’s son Jerome, settled in England and married the Honourable Mary Fane, eldest daughter of Viscount Fane. By various acts and licences, the[...]the bar and was involved in the business affairs of the Indian merchants Jardine Matheson and Company[...]arn farming, as an outdoor life was thought to be of some benefit to his health. After learning shee[...]In 1844, he married Charlotte McDonald, daughter of Captain McDonald who owned the neighbouring run of Bongongo. In 1842, William de Salis was employed by Jardine Matheson to go to Australia to sort out some of their business affairs. William arrived on the Ke[...]nd was offered a partnership in the Sydney branch of Jardine Matheson. In Sydney, William de Salis rapidly rose to prominence through the success of his business activities. He was a friend of Governor Gipps and a prominent member of various boards including the Union Bank. In 1848,[...]s world, particularly in England, would have been of great use to Leopold de Salis. With the retirement of his partner Smythe to England, Leopold expanded h[...]sing his brother-in-law Colin McDonald as manager of various runs. He started a family, his children b[...]mbalong as a temporary home but on receiving news of his mother death he decided to stay in the district. Leopold de Salis was a different type of squatter in terms of his social and economic position compared to Wrig[...]im to aristocracy. He was well educated, somewhat of an intellectual and brought up in a well to do en[...]arrative history as well the de Salis family view of their ancestry. |
| [...]ignation on 5th January 1898 afier some 23 years of service. In contrast, Wright and Cunningham’s p[...]gures in their time in the district, de Salis was of importance on a statewide basis. '23 He had numer[...]s and Sir William Stawell. As an appointed member of the Legislative Council, de Salis was in the colonial equivalent of the House of Lords. Brief overview of runs held by de Salis In order to assist the discussion of the de Salis’ holdings it is useful to outline the history of the holdings they purchased (Figure 7.1). The fi[...]pacumbalong purchased in 1855. In 1869, the runs of Naas and Naas Valley were purchased. These runs were part of the estate built up by the Herbert family and Tho[...]region and sold their properties to a partnership of Mendleson and Joseph both were Jewish grocers mov[...]that are not quite clear (there were allegations of theft), and these seem to be in part racially bas[...]Mendleson and Joseph went broke and the property of Naas and Naas Valley124 was sold to the de Salises in 1869. This extended the original run of Cuppacumbalong to the south. In January 1872, th[...](i. e. after 1872), the de Salis estate consisted of Cuppacumbalong, Naas, Naas Valley and Coolemon ru[...]overseeing all the de Salis estate. However, one of the interesting aspects of reading the de Salis diaries is the increasing re[...]diaries recount George’s management, initially of the summer grazing at Coolemon, and his first sh[...]75, which was commemorated by a poem. By the time of his marriage in 1878, George was in effect the manager of Cuppacumbalong and Coolemon, being paid a percentage of the wool clip and a bonus for increase of stock. In some aspects of management, particularly in the selection strateg[...]Salises are lesser figures in the historiography of Canberra. 1 think this is because Lanyon h[...] |
| [...]some land at Maitland although the exact status of the land is unclear. Certainly, it was not part of their farming estate. In broad terms, the estate at Canberra consisted of a series of flats along the margins of the Murrumbidgee River. The flats are stepped in[...]surrounding hills at around 1500m. The elevation of the Coolemon Plain means that it is subject to ha[...]t it is well watered and provided a spring growth of grass. Thus, Coolemon (along with other runs in the area) provided good conditions for summer grazing. Loss of the estate The precise circumstances of the collapse of the de Salis estate are not clear. ‘26 It seems[...]essful, resulting in substantial losses. As a way of raisin capital the Cuppacumbalong estate was mortgaged to the Union Bank of Australia1 7 for £69,956-13-5 (Lands Title Office Old System Number 450 Book 444). Just prior[...]lises (totalling 5458 acres), presumably as a way of increasing their equity. Details of the de Salis estate at its greatest extent were l[...]diaries for that time give little precise detail of what was occurring. This is because Leopold de Sa[...]ueensland runs, but the drought reduced the value of the runs and more importantly made it difficult to get cattle to market (presumably because of lack ofof the estate by late 1893, although it is difficul[...]the property until the '25 Although the failure of the Queensland venture bankrupted the de Salises[...]state or why it went bust. Presumably the drought of the 18905 was one factor. '26 There is little in[...]lis‘ brother William had been a London director of the Union Bank. |
| land was sold to the partnership of Frederick Campbell of Yarralumla, Colonel (retired), Francis Selwyn Cam[...]the property was transferred to them (Land Titles Office Old System Title Book 656 Folio 843). At the[...]confidence in the environment. When the extremes ofof his life. Leopold de Salis was in his late seventies and was too old to see the ending of the drought and his children survive and prosper[...]mon Pastoral Holding (No. 506) under the Land Act of 1884. In the section below the landscape forming[...]as a grazing property and to identify the nature of the land. Apart from showing how the run worked,[...]gy outlined in Chapter Two, however for the sake of non-repetition some categories have been merged w[...]uivalent were destroyed in the Garden Palace Fire of 1882. The only surviving information of the pre-1884 run boundaries is the run descriptions published in the Government Gazettes of 1848. These descriptions formed the basis for the[...]s issued to squatters from 1848. The descriptions of the de Salis owned runs are as follows: No 3 Atkinson William No 35 Name of Run Cooleman Estimated Area — 8,000 acr[...] |
| [...]lofty mountains. Chippindall [sic], Thomas Name of Run Naas Estimated Area — 15,360 acres Estima[...]600 cattle Bounded on the north by the stations of William Herbert and James Wright; on the east by a range of hills dividing it from the run of James Wright, until it joins a station belonging to James Booth, which station forms the southern boundary of the run; on the west bounded by a range situated about half a mile to the westward of a running stream, dividing it from the runs of Edward Seveme and William Herbert. No 66 Herbert, William Name of Run Naas and Orarell Estimated Area — 6,000 ac[...]zing Capabilities — 700 cattle Bounded on part of the north by an imaginary line along the ridge of a spur of Mount Tenant,'29 dividing the land now described[...]occupied by William Davis; on the remaining part of the north along the ridge of another spur of Mount Tenant bearing nearly east to a small strea[...]from Stony creek sheep station, in the occupation of James Wright; on the east by an imaginary line ru[...]e little River called the comer hole to the ridge of a range about half a mile from the dwelling house[...]d Gudgenby now occupied by Edward Seveme: on part of the west by ranges called Bimberri Ranges; and on the remaining part of the west by ranges dividing the now described lands from Boorooroomba run. No 188 Wright, James Name of Run Cuppacumbalong Estimated Area — 15,000 acr[...]d Hill Creek to Conlan’s comer for four fifths of the distance the river is inaccessible; upon the north from Mr M’Quoids run by a line of marked trees; upon the '29 Mount Tennent,[...] |
| [...]avis’ run by Paddy’s creek and the north spur of Mount Tenant, from Mr Herberts run by the south spur of Mount Tenant and for a short distance by Gudenby[...]Hill Creek, thus almost forming an obtuse angle of which the Murrumbidgee river is the base. As can be seen the descriptions of the runs are not geographically precise. There ar[...]illiam Herbert was doing. Finally, in the absence of formal maps and indeed any form of settlement, in some cases definable locations are often difficult to find.130 The description of Coolemon is a good example as it is accurate but[...]properly surveyed in the period after the passing of the Crown Lands Act of 1884. This required the dividing of pastoral runs in to “resumed” and “leasehol[...]ned there were no major changes in the boundaries of the runs and the de Salis estate varied only with the purchase of runs in 1869 and 1872. Land Uses and Activities[...]eep grazing on the flats and hillslopes and mobs of cattle in the surrounding hills. The sheep were p[...]at Queanbeyan and Goulbum. There were small areas of cultivated land, mostly fodder for the stock and[...]elated to land use The position in the landscape of the runs created in the general area around Cuppa[...]Spring Gully (now known as Sawyers Gully), part of the Naas Valley, Reedy Creek valley and the western bank of the Murrumbidgee. The original Cuppacumbalong run took in an area of undulating gullies running down from the ridge line of Clear Hill (an extension of the Bullen Range), east to the Murrumbidgee. The[...]udgenby River near Tharwa.I32 On the western side of the ridge is the valley called Spring Gully (now[...]at a formal county map was produced and positions of features such as Mount Tennent accurately establi[...]'32 Cuppacumbalong is supposed to mean “meeting of the waters”. |
| [...]g to the west , Mount Tennent. The eastern spurs of Mount Tennent create a small gorge through which[...]am the valley widens out and there is a good area of flat between Mount Tennent and the Gudgenby River. The Clear Hill ridge runs into the northern end of the Cullen Range. The Cullen Range between the Gudgenby River and the Mun'umbidgee also formed part of Cuppacumbalong. In this area, the range falls qui[...]Range, the Reedy Creek catchment created a number of flats suitable for grazing. Thus, Cuppacumbalong took in four large areas of flats and valley bottoms suitable for sheep grazing as well as a large amount of frontage along the Murrumbidgee, Gudgenby, and Pa[...]ers. 0f the other runs, Naas Valley took in part of the catchment of the Naas River including most of the open flats. Similarly, Naas took in flats a[...]Valley. Gudgenby took in a flat at the junction of several creeks with the Gudgenby River. Boroombah[...]iver as well as some hills encompassed by a curve of Paddy’s River. The name Coolemon possibly refers to the shape of the run in the landscape, the run boundaries being mountain ranges give the run the shape of a Coolemon dish. Wilson citing no authority claim[...]e (1 968: 109), which is plausible'” in Or of course Coolemon might be a place in Scotland. |
| [...]ng The landscape comprised rolling granite hills of the Mount Kelly Uplands with steep rocky slopes l[...]ite steep and rocky, lacking the gassy vegetation of the flats and lacking in . permanent water. ' The poor quality of the valley slopes and ridge crests for sheep graz[...]local farmers in the Select Committee an Exchange of Land, Cuppacumbalong Run, Queanbeyan District (Se[...]nor streams ensuring a good water supply. Because of the flats relatively shallow gradients (0 to 3%),[...]o doubt kept up the burning to promote new growth of fodder. |
| [...]y in the hills. Due to the shallow soils and lack of water this country was generally considered secon[...]as more closed forest, which did not allow growth of grass and was unsuitable for sheep, although catt[...]her essential element in squatting, was much less of a problem in the region than it was in the Wester[...]e junction with the Gudgenby River, is in an area of semi-gorges with steep descents to the river. The[...]s Department that the slopes were too steep to be of practical use for watering sheep and Figure 7.3 makes the point. Thus while the run included many miles of frontage to rivers and streams a lot of it was not useable. Finally, it should be noted[...]was useful for summer grazing, due to the hazard of snowfall and frost it could not be grazed all yea[...]ng ranges. L" The de Salises had the benefit of the advice from Thomas Fishlock, an employ[...] |
| 203 The de Salis estate comprised three classes of grazing land, the flats which were first class l[...]ion, at Coolemon the de Salises has a large area of alpine grassland available for about half the yea[...]iptions in the Government Gazette, the boundaries of Cuppacumbalong are mainly natural features such a[...]main ridge from Mount Tennent towards the centre of the photograph, then turns north down a gully to Paddy’s River. The use of clearly definable topographic features such as r[...]rd and Congwarra seems to have been a marked line of trees running west from Conlan’s Corner, which was fenced by 1874. Throughout the history of Cuppacumbalong as recorded in the de Salis diaries there is only one mention of a boundary dispute between de Salis and the neighbouring squatters. This occurred during the fencing of the boundary between Cuppacumbalong and Boroombah[...]o him. The dispute was resolved by the patriarchs of both families, Leopold de Salis and Charles McKea[...]d Boroombah changing circa 1860 by mutual consent of McKeahnie and de Salises. In a letter of 27th Nov 1883, George de Salis explains the wrong positioning of a conditional purchase (Portion 79) in relation t[...]y, because the surveyor “naturally was ignorant of the official boundary of Cuppacumbalong being different from that adjusted 20 years ago between the owners of the adjoining runs” (Folio 83/ 10308 Lands Dep[...]/ 10308 cor SRNSW Ref 10/20765). Another example of boundary adjustment was at Coolemon where John Mc[...]Salises to fence the boundary in exchange for use of the “Peppercorn side of our ranges” for five years (de Salis diaries 6[...]boundaries were not fenced. Traditionally flocks of sheep were kept within range of a shepherd and where mixing of separate flocks from different owners was a pote[...]ing flocks from different runs was seen as a way of transmitting disease such as scab. The invention of the drafting gate in the 18405 was of great assistance in sorting out the inevitably mi[...]on their run. However, there are numerous reports of McKeahnie’s |
| [...]Boroombah cattle and horses (as well as accounts of stray Cunningham cattle) being found on Cuppacumb[...]traying further.‘36 Figure 7.6 shows the plans of the leasehold and resumed areas for the Cuppacumbalong run, created at some point in 1885 or 1886. It is of interest in the context of this discussion as it shows the extent and nature of boundary fencing. A log fence divides Freshford f[...]t Tennent a six-wire fence ran along the boundary of the Naas Run until it reached the Orroral and Gudgenby River junction. There seems to be a short section of log fence and then the wire fence continues along the west bank of the Gudgenby River until the southern boundary is[...]hould not have yarded then considering the number of his cattle that always have been on our run" (de[...]Salis diaries it seems that a considerable amount of time was spent chasing after stray horses. ”7 The mixture of fencing probably is a direct response to t[...] |
| of the Parish of Murray and of Coolemon Pastoral Holding was made down the east bank of Peppercorn Creek. Ultimately the mistake would ha[...]mbalong across the Murrumbidgee, along the valley of the Naas and Gudgenby rivers and over the ranges,[...]Tharwa was situated above the main crossing place of the Murrumbidgee. The de Salises maintained their[...]es. The de Salis diaries record a continual flow of people up and down the road and across the ford. There was seasonal movement of sheep and cattle to and from the alpine areas for[...]lises moved sheep (there were quite large flocks of up to 10,000 sheep) up onto Coolemon during the summer (usually after shearing). As well, smaller mobs of cattle were moved down from Coolemon for sale. The movement of stock was always a matter of concern as out-of-control stock could damage property and infect other flocks with disease. Moreover the question of compensation for stock eating grass was important, so the government set up a system of travelling stock routes and stock reserves. Movin[...]head to squatters to arrange a convenient passage of stock through runs. It is clear from the de Salis diaries that Mr. West of Yaouk run, on the stock route to Coolemon, was no[...]ong traditionally used routes. This was the cause of some ill feeling between the community and the Cunninghams. In matters of roads, the de Salis family always took the view t[...]nd later the Campbells. There was also a network of smaller tracks between runs that were used mainly[...]n, the riders went via the Orroral valley and one of the “gaps” in the main Brindabella Range. '38[...]o be little historical or archaeological evidence of boundary markers other than the fences that would[...]ndary markers '38 This is more or less the route of the modern Alpine walking track. |
| [...]have used some physical feature to mark the start of the de Salis estate. Crossing the river at Tharwa[...]to Cuppacumbalong. Crossing depended on the level of the river. Often it was fordable for carts and bu[...]ering their territory. This allowed them a degree of warning about potential selectors and about “Inspectors of Conditional Purchases” and other officials who would pose problems if not handled properly. Patterns of Spatial Organisation The form of Cuppacumbalong as purchased by the de Salises consisted of four flats with “stations” established in th[...]9 Cuppacumbalong station is located in the centre of the four flats just below where Spring Station C[...]e original Cuppacumbalong Run. From the estimates of time taken to traverse the landscape in George de Salis’ diaries it took a quarter of a day to get to each station. The sheep-farming[...]as the terrain was too difficult. To go from any of the stations one would have to go back virtually[...]the next station (Figure 7.8). With the purchase of Naas and Naas Valley in 1869 this network of stations expanded to include the extensive flats[...]t that Cuppacumbalong was no longer at the centre of the run. Naas homestead was in fact at the centre of the flats such as Thomson’s, Binda, Hal[...] |
| [...]ngly prepared the garden. However, with the death of Charlotte de Salis in February 1878, Leopold de S[...]they remained there. Naas therefore became a sort of office where someone could stay overnight or during the shearing season. Thus Naas was the working centre of Cuppacumbalong run. Sheep were mustered for shear[...]8705. This is not surprising as the children were of roughly the same age. Social contact diminished as they all married and assumed managerial roles of the stations where their views often conflicted.[...]“we decided that the grave will be on the point of the hill overlooking the junction of the rivers, a spot where Rodolph would often sit[...]bruary 1878 she was buried on the right hand side of Rodolph. Later in April 1878 Leopold visited the[...]ental planting. The graves were an important part of George and Mary’s life especially as their fir[...]hreatens to tell “Papa". ”2 The burial place of the de Salis employees reflects to some d[...] |
| 212 churchyard at Canberra but George wrote “neither of us liked the idea of leaving the little thing alone when it had a plac[...]ges to the de Salis family during their ownership of Cuppacumbalong and Coolemon estates. The first w[...]nd was to defend the estate against the challenge of selection. The latter task was the more important[...]g the run from selection meant the transformation of the land from leasehold to freehold, that is the purchase of land. Government regulations in effect prevented the wholesale transformation of squatting runs into freehold and, even if they were allowed the minimum price of £1 per acre, purchasing the run outright would h[...]st selection meant trying to secure the key areas of the run by using the land legislation so that selectors did not get them. This secured the land as part of the de Salis estate. Thus the process of defending the run and creating the de Salis estat[...]) and added to the de Salis estate. This section of the chapter discusses the process of defending the run from selection as well as creat[...]d de Salis wrote to the Acting Chief Commissioner of Crown Lands: “Sir, I have the honour as lessee of the run of Cuppacumbalong in the Murrumbidgee district to ap[...]ase under my pre-emptive right as per Chapter III of H.M.’s Order in Council of March 9th 1847 of certain portions of my said run - viz - twelve quarter sections of 160 acres each or thereabouts in that portion of the run known as Cuppacumbalong and six quarter sections in that portion of the run known as Binda. And I request you will direct the commissioning of the proper surveyors to inspect and measur[...] |
| [...]in Albury, in March 1860. He allocated the task of surveying the portions to Surveyor Edward Fisher[...]ork. Fisher comments that there was a difference of nearly one degree between his instrument and that of Licensed Surveyor Thompson’s who marked out Th[...]a year to do the survey is unclear). His letter of the 22 May 1861 to the Surveyor General sets out[...]“Sir, In compliance with your instructions of the 23rd March 1860 No 60/450 I have the honour to transmit for your approval under a separate cover a Plan of 6 portions of land containing an aggregate area of 1543 acres applied for purchase under pre-emptive right by Mr Leopold Fane de Salis in virtue of his Licensed Run called Cuppacumbalong in the County of Cowley, and Murrumbidgee District. 2.- In connection with the area measured which is 543 acres in excess of that to which Mr de Salis would be entitled under the terms of your Circular of the 3lst Jan last No 134 I would respectfully inform you I could obtain no information respecting which of these portions Mr de Salis considered of the least value as he was absent from home when I[...]surveyed a greater area in proportion to the size of this Run than was allowed by your Circular No 134[...]apted for sub-division into small farms (than any of the other portions) in the event of Tharwa Township progressing favourably, but at th[...]to settle on this reserve as the small population of this portion of the District is scattered, the area of land suitable for cultivation is limited, the adjacent country is generally of a Mountainous character difficult to traverse ev[...]almost impassible, and since the partial failure of the Kiandra gold fields the settlers have not a ready market for the disposal of their produce.” |
| [...]3642) The plan M161-1457, together with the plan of Tharwa reserve T 1792, documents the nature and extent of de Salises improvements on Cuppacumbalong. The L[...]eems that the intention was to survey the balance of land claimed by de Salis, however Fisher had been[...]“embraced all the land Mr de Salis was desirous of purchasing at the time of my making these surveys” which is not exactly w[...]son, had issued the regulation limiting the right of pre-emptive purchase to 640 acres (i. e. a square[...]er the lands therein described are in the process of alienation to me” (Folio 62/ 13878, Surveyor Ge[...]ould have been selected or sold while the process of obtaining the land from the Lands Department was[...]eems that a William Thompson'44 had occupied part of de Salis pre-emptive purchase. William Ferguson Thompson selected 40 acres of land “commencing at a point on the west bank of the Little River about two miles North East from[...]ptember 1862 (CP 62/3709, Lands Department - Head Office, Conditional Purchase Registers 1862, SRNSW[...]he is not mentioned in the Biographical Register of the ACT. The land he took up was near de Salis’ pre-emptive portion of 161 acres (i. e. Portion 9 Parish of Cuppacumbalong). ”3 This was to prevent large scale purchasing of runs by wealthy squatters before the onset of free selection. ”4 Not to be confused w[...] |
| [...]nag—.11” “2,-2.1 ' tive rights 10 Copy of Original plan of de Salis’ pre-emp 7 Figure |
| 216 Leopold De Salis wrote to the Chief Commissioner of Crown lands complaining of this on 13th October 1862 (Folio 62/ l 2981 Lands[...]partment about whether Thompson had selected some of de Salises pre-emptive purchase. A note on the fo[...]spite Thompson’s description in his application of land “more than a mile distant”, Thompson had[...]his Conditional Purchase did not intrude on that of de Salises so it is clear that Thompson did not w[...]ember 1864 and the land became Portion 22, Parish of Cuppacumbalong. The land was reported as not impr[...]on was then put up for sale as Lot UU in the sale of the 6th May 1867 but apparently not bid for and r[...]as incorporated into Portion 115 and all markings of the previous portion were deliberately obliterate[...]pting de Salises comment “As however a portion of the same is occupied by one William Thomson [sic] under colour of a conditional purchase, and as the Hon Secretary[...]lf his requisite consent towards initiating ”5 Of course there was no overall map of the Parish until the 18805 which would have confused matters. ”6 This letter and the lapsing of the CP indicate that Thomson was not a lan[...] |
| [...]s until I be put in full and peaceable possession of my said just claim.” (Folio 63/9068 Lands Depa[...]e on Boroombah, later granted as Portion 4 Parish of Tharwa in 1860. Herbert applied for 160 acres on[...]Portion 33 Parish Naas in 1859. The sudden spurt of pre-emptive purchases supports the notion that sq[...]l60-acre sections (some 2880 acres) to 6 sections of 1543 acres in total. It seems that de Salis was n[...]re-emptively purchased, it contains a combination of flats and improvements. Portion 1, Parish of Cuppacumbalong for example takes in Binda Station and the larges area of flat in the Reedy Creek Catchment. Portions 3 and 5 [47 However this was not the end of the matter for on 30th July 1885 Leopold de Salis[...]iles No 85/ 15680 SRNSW Ref 10/3642). On the face of it this was a fairly outrageous claim as de Salis[...]ant for over twenty years during which time much of the good land was being taken up by conditional p[...]n within the Lands Department because by 1885 few officers knew the details of the old Orders in Council. The Under Secretary fo[...]at the time and what was the practice in respect of pre-emptive purchases no one is better conversant[...]Files No 85/ 15680 SRNSW Ref 10/3642). Finch’s official reply (Folio not noted on papers) noted th[...]en current application. Finch also noted the lack of any discussion of de Salises claim since the l860$ despite his comm[...]only to Thompson’s occupation. Indeed the lack of protests after Fisher’s survey and only[...] |
| Parish of Tharwa secure Spring Station by taking in important areas of flats in Sawyers Gully. The improvements shown[...]t Portion 9 Cuppacumbalong Frontage to west bank of Gudgenby River. Fenced garden and hut. This was t[...]as Thomsons. Figures 7.11 to 7.14 are details of the plan of the pre-emptive purchases M161—1457 which show the layout of improvements and the landscape. Three of these areas were surveyed in order to see whethe[...]od were visible. Portion 15, Tharwa was the site of extensive cultivation paddocks. Presumably these[...]mily and probably fodder for the horses. The site of the paddocks is easily locatable however there is[...]gure 7.15) Portion 1, Cuppacumbalong is the site of Binda Station, a swampy flat adjacent to Reedy Creek. The station consisted of a hut and yards and included a fence running from[...]e hut and yards were located on the southern edge of a low ridge overlooking the creek and swamp. A brief survey of the location found no evidence of the yards and fence. A flat area, possibly a hut site, was located but there was no surface evidence of a building. Binda Station is often stated to be on the site of “Ingledene” a farmhouse, located about 1km no[...]-14s7 Binda is on Portion 1 although all evidence of the station has disappeared (Figure 7: 16).148 ”8 The locals who could recite owners back to the turn of the century refused to believe that the de[...] |
| Figure 7.15 Spring Gully site of cultivation paddock Figure 7.16 Site of Binda Station (but platform is approximate[...] |
| Figure 7.17 Site of outstation at Thompsons Portion 9, Cuppacumba[...]small fenced areas, one labelled garden. The site of the paddocks and house is easily found. The fla[...]ks would have been is now grassed and no evidence of the fences exists. The location of the hut was also inspected but all evidence of the hut has disappeared (Figure 7:17). The resu[...]h as flats survive, fences and huts and evidence of cultivation are not visible on the ground surface. It is difficult to know how much of the de Salis pre-emptive purchase strategy was mi[...]aphy being suitable for the rectangular structure of land portions so that strategically placed selections could secure the flats. To the north the wide expanse of flats along the western side of the Murrumbidgee could not be secured by t[...] |
| The village of Tharwa Leopold de Salis’ exercise of his pre-emptive right was complicated by the creation of the Village of Tharwa. In September 1860 a petition signed by 24 “inhabitants of the town and District of Queanbeyan” was forwarded to the Minister for L[...]ic accommodation on the road to Kiandra, the bank of the river was suitable for a township and that th[...]employees did not sign. Curiously neither did any of the McKeahnie or Herbert families who might have[...]erve urgently in October 1860, presumably because of the potential conflicts with de Salises pre- emp[...]garden were located, which he noted has a record of being flooded. (Folio 61/3895, Surveyor General[...]d File 62/989 SRNSW Ref 5/5510). Thus the Village of Tharwa as surveyed took in the Cuppacumbalong hom[...]rians and archaeologists have at least the legacy of Thomson’s plan which show the improvements and[...]the lots that de Salis purchased and his estimate of the value of the improvements on them. ”9 The evidence of a previous reserve is mainly evidence in this fi[...]ble to find a gazettal date. There is no mention of the need to revoke a previous reserve so perhaps the reserve was customary. '50 Of course the Cunningham interest was secured, in th[...]Incidentally de Salis mentions an “irregularity of transfer” between Wright and de Salis”[...] |
| [...]4 11L” L90 ”nu”; fa , ram Figure 7.18 Plan of Tharwa with allotments |
| [...]ived File 63/7591, SRNSW Ref 5/5510) In the sale of allotments in Queanbeyan on 29“1 November 1862[...]sed by de Salis was withdrawn from sale. Lots 2-5 of Section 2 were sold to Leopold de Salis at the up[...]aining lots were not bid for. With the hindsight of 140 or so years, the proclamation of the village of Tharwa allowed Leopold de Salis the opportunity to purchase an important part of his run and safeguard it from selection. De Salis[...]ful neighbour” was Andrew Cunningham, the owner of the Lanyon estate. To understand the basis of the conflict it is necessary to enter into a sho[...]a gold rush. Kiandra is located to the south-west of the study area, high in the Australian Alps. Gold[...]being from Cooma to Kiandra. Cooma became a sort of regional supply depot to the goldfields and no doubt the merchants of Cooma were well satisfied with their position. This of course was to the detriment of merchants in Queanbeyan. Thus in the early[...] |
| [...]customary route allowed by James Wright. In 1860, of course, it was the one of the routes to Kiandra. In 1856 Andrew Cunningham[...]ld de Salis and Andrew Cunningham largely because of the principle of non-enclosure of roads which seems to have been a de Salis princip[...]to the Kiandra rush) about the rights and wrongs of the matter, which eventually the Editor had to cease due to the length of the correspondence. It seems that it was suspected that de Salis put Johnson up to it to test the legality of matters. A long letter by “Andrew Tomahawk” w[...]tter by Leopold de Salis which accused Cunningham of “vindictively putting up the reserve upon which[...]) on the Tharwa reserve notes that in the absence of any traffic “except in the event of Kiandra reviving” it was unlikely there would b[...]Kiandra proved to be another surface rush. It is of interest that Leopold de Salis was determined to[...]er from the mid 18703 as he began to take on more of the management of the run, George de Salis began to have his own id[...]eorge records riding beyond Gosson’s Beck (part of the southern boundary of Cuppacumbalong) to look for any suitable land for[...]having his own views seems to have been a source of friction between him and Leopold. On the 2"Cl Mar[...]is very anxious to take one on Cotters run a mile of so from the boundary thinking it would be[...] |
| 227 land of our own not secured” (de Salis diary). This comment is particularly telling in light of Campbell’s hostile selection on Coolemon. The[...]by two considerations: firstly their evaluation of the enviromnent. They had a good idea of which were the important areas on the run to safe[...]gislation and regulations organised the selection of land. Section 13 of the Crown lands Alienation Act (1861) allowed for between 40 to 320 acres of land to be conditionally purchased and section 21[...]n a right to select up to 8 conditional purchase (of 40 acres each) and to select up to 320 acres as a[...]ed this to the limit. There is also the question of pre-emptive or conditional leases.155 These were obtainable for owners of land in fee simple and extended to conditional pu[...]run anyway. In the period following the passing of the Lands Acts in 1861 until 1872 the de Salis fa[...]Portions 7 (240 acres) and 8 (320 acres), Parish of Tharwa were selected. Portion 7 added to the flats to the north of Tharwa while Portion 8 took in flats to the south of Portion 5. A series of selections were made to the north and south of Portion 1 Parish of Cuppacumbalong on Reedy Creek in October 1862 an[...]nditional purchase records show that the purchase of this land was not finalised until 1920! Robert[...]s to connect Portion 7 with the northern boundary of Cuppacumbalong but were misdescribed and ended in[...]lly no mention in the conditional purchase files of the de Salises having too many conditional purcha[...]ere are queries about frontage, peacocking, value of improvements, residence and so on. '55 Un[...] |
| [...]to the attempts to combat the hostile selections of the Oldfield family (discussed below). Conditio[...]e Crown Land Acts deliberately limited the amount of land taken up as a conditional purchase to 320 ac[...]ect more land. In order to understand the process of taking up the land the portions have been organised into series. A series of conditional purchases consists of the original conditional purchase and the additio[...]e Salis dummies has been to look at a combination of the conditional purchase file and conditional pu[...]is quite explicit about the process. Three types of dummy were used by the de Salises. Firstly there[...]-in-law William Bradshaw Smith selected on behalf of the de Salises.157 "6 This is how the Lands Depa[...]57 Elizabeth McKeahnie on Boroombah held a number of conditional purchases so daughters did hol[...] |
| The second form of dummy selectors was made by people who seem to have the status of “j ackaroos”.'58 They were inexperienced resp[...]ishlock and Gray were buried in the outer circle of the de Salis graveyard, which indicates the closeness of the relationship between them and their employers[...]ably Andrew Cunningham senior) and getting a copy of the agreement (de Salis diaries 28th May 1873). L[...]eements on the 14"1 July 1875. There is no record of any of the dummies refusing to give up their selection.[...]heep on their land, thus maintaining the fiction of “bona fide” selection. Improvements on selec[...]de and paid for by the de Salises, as an analysis of the George de Salis diaries shows. George is constantly directing improvements such as fencing, erection of facilities such as salt sheds and stockyards and ring-barking. Much of this work was undertaken by contractors as the du[...]ant tasks as boundary riders/drovers. An example of a dummy selection — Thomas Oldfield Tom Oldfield, son of “old” Joe Oldfield, was born in 1851 and see[...]h July 1868. These were portions 26 and 28 Parish of Tharwa and formed part of his father’s selections (dealt with below). Tom[...]invented then. '59 Arthur 1e Patonel was the son of Captain Henry le Patonel, ADC to Governor Lofius. '60 Fishlock was a long-term resident of the district having worked for the Palmers[...] |
| [...]re a hut valued at £14 and ring-barking to value of £2. An inspectors report was called for (Folio 7[...]erred for comment and was included in the Gazette of 2 1 st February 1880 as forfeited (Folio 78/44273[...]airly treated as he had three years from the date of McCord’s survey to complete the improvements an[...]s reopened to allow Oldfield to present evidence of residence and improvements (Folio 81/57131[...] |
| _ , cu N" rumor; my cum. SALES NIL/W- 257/“ TRAGING Ofofof 59, 60 and 61 Parish of Cuppacumbalong i |
| [...]mprovements were satisfactory “though the value of the latter (improvements), similar to Mr G. F ane de Salises case, grossly exaggerated”. A note of the front of the folio reads as follows: “the selector depo[...]compatible with a proper observance and discharge of the conditions of residence. I cannot understand how the Commissio[...]ional conditional purchases and Portion 20 Parish of Naas as a conditional lease. Analysis of Conditional Purchase Series The following dummies[...]d: Table 7.1 Selection series Dummies and Length of time held. Series I Seriesz Seriess Seriess |
| [...]ars that the dummies were to hold crucial parcels of land for the de Salises. The two aspects being av[...]te, and the Oldfields were used and the question of how much land could be held by the de Salises. Pr[...]ummies contributed to this. Naturally the course of dummying did not always run true. The original se[...]hole series was forfeited. The selection series, of which there are 14 in Tharwa and Cuppacumbalong p[...]ar cry from the theoretical 320 acre or 640 acres of the yeoman farmer. Of this land 6680 acres or 57% was held in the name of George de Salis, 4280 acres or 37% was held under[...]eoman farmer was supposed to hold. The locations of the conditional purchase series in the Parishes of Cuppacumbalong and Tharwa are shown in Figures 7.31 and 7.32. Table 7.2 shows the series in order of initiation or purchase, which helps show something of the de Salis selection strategy. Table 7.2 Selec[...]ted es No Secured key flats in the western side of Naas Valley 1872 Secured land at Long Gully 1872 5 Secured land along the Western bank of the 1872 - Murrumbidgee 1873 4 Seemed land along the Western bank of the 1873 _- m Secured land north bank of the Gudgenby river at Naas 1874 Secured land south bank of Gudgenby river at Naas and 1874[...] |
| [...]- land at bottom of Naas Valley _ Secured the middle of Naas Valley 1875 3 Seemed more land on the west bank of the 1880 I M... I 11 Secured land on west bank of Murrumbidgee between 1881 I—I 12 Basically a se[...]-1880 - Wright’s selections in the northern end of the run _ Purchase of Oldfield’s selections at Top Naas then used 18[...]exclude Cotter and Lenane - l3 Secured the middle of Sawyers Creek (Spring Gully) 1883 _I I Purchase of Warner’s conditional purchases Naas Peacocking[...]this thesis it is used to refer to the selection of portions of land in such a way as to control a greater area. Examples of peacocking might be a series of selections along a frontage with a gap in between[...]d be used to control access to water. An example of peacocking is shown in the case of Portions 52, 55 and 56. These were additional con[...]ed on Portion 6, which was a conditional purchase of George de Salis. He transferred it to Arthur le P[...]on and George does not mention McCord on the date of the survey so it seems unlikely that he was guide[...]uty Surveyor General noted “I think if the form of survey is allowed it will form a very bad precede[...]s as an additional conditional purchase in virtue of Portion 6 which had been transferred back[...] |
| [...]“ ’ry Irihurzefafowcé under the i 2/ clause of NM 0. L. A. Act of 186/ - ’ #ij C.P. A'O. 7? /12_33 ll 23¢[...]. 67‘ 43 {613/4 7_ I‘M/ZS; ffl «if .. . Dale of Survey H: / ”fay 7;! Figure 7.20 Portion plan of portions 52, 55, & 56 showing possible peacocking |
| A second example of “peacocking” occurred with the selection of the series based on Portion 13 Parish of Cuppacumbalong. The land was selected by Leopold[...]selection allowed de Salis to dominate the banks of both rivers although the steep descent to the str[...]arliament”. . .”.'65 L. S. McCord got the job of resurveying the land (see Figure 7.26), (Folio 75[...]attempts at peacocking (another being the survey of portions at Orroral ) and here the strengths and weaknesses of the land administration system are shown. The adm[...]cked up the obvious peacocking through the review of portion plans and their failure to comply with regulations. In the case of Portions 52, 55 and 56, the end result was the sa[...]te Portion 62 and put it up for sale. In the case of Portion 13 et al the de Salises were not so lucky, losing control of a small flat (on which they had improvements). W[...]quick to look at attempted peacocking in the case of frontage to rivers and streams they seemed to ign[...]ck flats which were limited in the hilly terrain of Cuppacumbalong. Improvement Purchases Under the[...]squatter had the right to purchase land in virtue of the improvements made on them, the size of the land being related to the value of the improvements (i. e. 1 acre per £1 of improvements). Improvement purchases were extensi[...]s totalling 339 acres, a comparatively small part of the overall estate. The obvious disadvantage of the improvement purchases was the need to actuall[...]expenditure could be spread over a greater period of time. '65 Leopold de Salis supported Thom[...] |
| [...]7: - ay- 11‘: ... Figure 7.21 Original survey of portions 13-14, 17-19 by LS Thompson |
| [...]drier way ”are made Figure 7.22 Revised design of the portions |
| [...]5.5/70 5' 7 35951 offpartwrwm./4,9/7¢Z/ faJZS/z of @W/gg 5% 0f 95/169. W f» ma. a? ”7‘![...] |
| Reserve Creation Squatter influence on the process of reserve creation was identified as an important[...]serves. Therefore the important question in terms of the de Salis strategy of defending the run is the extent to which reserves[...]k the land by the de Salises. There are two lines of evidence that can be used: 1. The extent and nature of de Salis involvement in creating the reserves, 2. The location of reserves in the landscape. The first question c[...]erence to a file and then following it’s chain of custody (marked by file numbers related to Corre[...]earch the Government Gazettes. In short, evidence of de Salis involvement in creating reserves is limited by the inherent difficulty of the historical records. Table 7.3 Reserves on th[...]on as Portion 60 by J. M. Wright 31/3/1884 Parish of _ TSR-1063 24/9/1884 WR 6 29/7/1885 Revoked 25/[...]'66 As might be expected the creation of a reserve resulted in the creation of a correspondence file in the Lands Department. |
| [...]ns to surveyors and their reports. From the dates of gazettal it is obvious that in the early to mid-1[...]trict Surveyor Arthur Betts initiated the process of Reserve formulation as a result of selection in the area. There is no evidence in the files or in the de Salis diaries of the de Salises initiating reserve formation on Cuppacumbalong run. The location of reserves on Cuppacumbalong run is shown in Figure[...]her geographic features. WK 6 is the only reserve of potential strategic interest as it runs across th[...]. However the reserve traverses the steepest part of the terrain rather than taking in flats to the n[...]ve Files have not been found. However an analysis of the landscape suggests that reserving this land would have been of little benefit for the de Salises as they alread[...]t, resting on the Clear Range. WR 67 takes in 4km of undulating hills running east with a steep decent of 130m in 1km to the Murrumbidgee. There is a small flat formed by a complex meeting of ridge lines but as this would have lacked water t[...]n the public interest. In contrast, the creation of the reserves on the Coolemon run in 1882 is the clearest example of the de Salis involvement in reserve creation. Whe[...]and Archibald McDonald had each taken a selection of 640 acres on Coolemon, one of their reactions was to attempt to control selecti[...]e areas be reserved from selection “on account of the many natural curiosities” (de Salis[...] |
| [...]am led to believe that in the limestone formation of the Coolemon plains there exist valuable and exte[...]fine waterfall. As the proposed Cooma extension of the great southern railway will for tourists and[...]the locality within a comparatively easy distance of the metropolis I have thought it advisable to seek your permission to inspect the locality with the view of proposing suitable reserves. Owing to the continued drought in the County of Murray a rush for land on the Coolemon Plains and in the locality of the caves started today, four, six hundred and fo[...]ns are made. I have obtained an extract from one of the local papers giving a description of the caves and waterfall. This extract I beg to re[...]rnment Gazette 1/2/1882 ff 536). A second reserve of 1200 acres (R 659) was proclaimed due to the sudden illness of Surveyor Smith which meant he could not inspect t[...]dence Files No 82/4259 SRNSW Ref 2/1292). In none of the correspondence is Leopold de Salis mentioned[...]tter filed. Mr Smith reported on his inspection of the Coolemon Caves which he undertook with George[...]Sir, In a compliance with your wired instructions of the 3 lst ultimo, and a subsequent Reserve Branc[...]pplication by L. F. de Salis for the preservation of the Murray |
| [...]er with an extended reserve half a mile each side of the Goodradigbee to the junction of the Mount Murray branch thence up that branch for a distance of one mile and a half. On visiting the locality, I[...]d and attractive landscape views and other points of curiosity of valuable public interest. None of these are reasons can fairly be applied to reserv[...]ay branch. I therefore cannot submit that so much of that suggestion be entertained. With reference t[...]ws are undoubtedly grand and very attractive. One of the two known caves although not so extensive as[...]an course may also be fairly be considered points of curiosity valuable to the public. I am of the opinion that in future time the magnificent summer climate and the attractive landscape of the whole district will entice numerous visitors. A reserve embracing the above mentioned the points of interest, I therefore think is advisable. Mr de Salis suggests a width of half a mile on each side of the river - a Reserve for half and a mile up the[...]e. I beg to enclose a tracing showing the scheme of reserves, which I now submit for your approval”[...]W Ref 2/1 292). This resulted in the replacement of R 658 with R 664 on the 13‘h March 1882 (N SW G[...]Salis had as a MLC can be seen by the reservation of part of the Caves. Nothing in the file suggests the de Salises as the beneficiaries of the reservation but their involvement is clear, though cloaked in the spirit of public good of reserving “natural curiosities”. The de Salis[...]m selecting on Coolemon. In effect it was a means of controlling the "’7 George proposed to[...] |
| land in the guise of a public good, initiated in the spirit of selflessness by the Honourable Leopold de Salis.[...]ampbell selections and leases into a smaller area of flat, which was effectively stoppered by de Salis’ lapsed selections of Portions 1 and 2. So the creation of the reserves at Coolemon acted as part of the de Salis selection strategy in response to Ca[...]cape evidence it seems unlikely that the creation of reserves was part of the de Salis strategy to protect their run. The exceptions being of course the Tharwa Village Reserve which was initi[...]gional networks to explain the underlying pattern of reserves. The purpose of the reserves was to create space for “community[...]e no hotels at convenient locations so the system of reserves allowed for space for stock and their dr[...]on selections and squatting runs. The main series of these were created as TSR —15, which created fo[...]—13 which was defined as 20 chains either side of the road from Kiandra to Yass via Tharwa and gaze[...]mon. There also seems to have been a great phase of reserve establishment in the 18805. Presumably th[...]ves be created while the land was available. Some of these reserves were later abolished or reduced in[...]being then offered as selections or, in the case of WR 67, the land was opened for selection as Homes[...]he reserve locations were limited by the quantity of already selected land, which reduced the potentia[...]serves on Cuppacumbalong run were created as part of a natural process of responsible land management rather than at the instigation of the squatters, as seems to have been the case in[...]the de Salis strategy for creating the estate out of their runs involved firstly exercising their pre[...]They were forced to purchase lots in the village of Tharwa when their attitude to enclosing of roads created a dispute between them and t[...] |
| 246 creation of a village reserve enclosing the head station of Cuppacumbalong. Using these rights the de Salises were able to secure land in each of their four out-stations on Cuppacumbalong. The de Salises do not seem to have used the strategy of creating reserves to safeguard their land except in the case of Coolemon. The bulk of the land that made up the de Salis estate was obtained by conditional purchase. By the use of dummies and manipulation of the Land laws, the de Salises were able to purcha[...]onditional purchase the land was bought on a form of time payment, which helped the de Salises, as the[...]TORS “Bona fide” Selectors Given the number of dummies it seems surprising that there were a few[...]selectors, the de Salises in fact outsourced many of the functions that were occurring on squatting ru[...]atter gave them access to a cash income and lines of credit. '68 As well, a relationship with the de S[...]n the selector access to influence and knowledge of the system should they need it. There was a mutua[...]field senior and his family are the main example of the independent selector. Old Joe Oldfield was a[...], almost indomitable although limited by his lack of education and capital. Surprisingly he returned t[...]eight children with his second wife Mary Keeghan. Of these, Thomas and Henry Oldfield worked for the[...]t. The first act in the drama was the selection of a 40-acre conditional purchase by Joe Oldfield j[...]This Portion (24) was next to the southern border of Portion 7, a de Salis conditional purchase which had lapsed through lack of survey within one year. Survey was complet[...] |
| [...]portions along the river. The de Salis selection of Portion 25 blocked expansion to the south, Portio[...]ich offered rich well-watered soil. Thus the area of Portion 25 was a strategic area to acquire for bo[...]there was a dispute (see Figure 7.25). The facts of the matter seem to be that on the 24“1 October 1867, Lands Office Day, Joseph Oldfield (senior) arrived at the Lands Office intending to select what became Portion 25.[...]essions day and a jury in fact occupied the Lands Ofof Thomas Oldfield, his son. When the facts of the case became known, Oldfield’s cause was taken up by champions of free selection in Queanbeyan, the Free Selectors Protection League and the Queanbeyan Age in a series of public meetings and letters. Most of the anger was directed at Willans (who later sued[...]cised by Dr. Morton as being “a man who instead of doing his duty as a representative of the people is the very first to break the law”[...]1 l/ 1867) as well as criticising de Salis’ use of his children as dummies.l7 Morton cemented, after[...]general character and intelligence “the conduct ofofficial inquiry into Willan’s action, but eventually with the agreement of all parties, the inquiry was abandoned on 29th Ma[...]. In proceeding against them, apart from his lack of means, the difficulties of his official position and their influence would[...] |
| [...]erning his conditional purchase, Portion 7 Parish of Tharwa (now the site of Lambrigg): “I have the honour to inform you that one Joseph Oldfield is in illegal occupation of those crown lands viz 240 acres which I conditionally purchased 30th October on the west bank of the Murrumbidgee river in the Queanbeyan district[...]eed against him in accordance with the provisions of the Lands Acts of 1861. I have given no kind of consent to Oldfields continuing... on such land; and on complaining to our Land Agent ofof the trespass having been committed subsequent to the date of the conditional purchase I conclude that the Govt[...]upon to interfere” (14/1/68). This was the gist of the reply sent to de Salis by the Lands Departmen[...]cting Portion 30, a 40-acre portion, to the south of Oldfields selection and Portions 29 and 31 which[...]eft the Oldfields with a very disjointed pattern of selections squeezed in between Portion 7 and de S[...]ock Portion l and blocked to the west by a series of selections (see Figure 7.33). Effectively, by strategic selections and with the assistance of information about Oldfield’s planned selection[...]able to block the Oldfields from taking control of an important part of the northern end of Cuppacumbalong. Joe Oldfield senior made five selections of 40 acres each on 20th November (Portions 38 to 41). These were to the west of the de Salis selections on undulating grassed country which, while of reasonable quality, was not as good as the land a[...]leather there, as he still works at his old trade of shoemaker” (Folio 78/690 Lands Department - Con[...]the Oldfields was that they had come to a series of agreements with them. The de Salis diaries record[...]Salis mentions going halves for boundary fencing of Oldfield’s selection and “told him I would not be particular about a few of his cattle running outside the fence, this |
| [...]greed to a truce. The Oldfields were allowed use of the whole block of land between Portions 7 and 1 provided they gave[...]10/1/1881). Later Joe selected Portion 63 Parish of Cuppacumbalong and developed a small holding call[...]entially hostile selector was Michael Cotter, son of Gamett Cotter whose family held Demandering Run, the southern neighbour of Cuppacumbalong. The Cotters had made extensive se[...]area between the Clear Range and the western bank of the Murrumbidgee from the 18605. Cotter's selection, along with that of Lenane's opposite, was seen as a hostile act by Leopold de Salis. There was talk of some retaliatory selections on Cotter’s run but[...]0 George de Salis selected the remaining 70 acres of land between Portion 23 and the Tharwa Village Reserve in the name of the late John White and in virtue of Portion 23. Needless to say this caused some fuss[...]e portion was forfeited despite having £42 worth of improvements on it. Although George de Salis wrot[...]85/18822 SRNSW Ref 10/17321). George White, son of John and Mary White, purchased the selections of James Robertson (which had been made in December[...]up small holdings with the permission and support of the de Salises. Tong was a trusted employe[...] |
| [...]mas Warner senior, another former convict servant of Wright’s, had built up a small holding of selections on the flat in Naas Valley from 1864.[...]hased the run. He was not disturbed and sold much of his crop to the de Salises. On his death in 1886[...]ises for £130. More surprising is the selection of several portions of good quality flats at Naas by Thomas Gregory from 1881. From the de Salis diaries there is no evidence of Gregory being a dummy, although he was an employe[...]e other approved selectors, obtained a good piece of land. There were two types of “bona fide” selectors, hostile and friendly.[...]selections by the Oldfield family. In the case of the “friendly” selectors, they were able to e[...]osits for the selections. Here we see the example of the English gentlemen, mentioned in the quotation[...]interested. Nonetheless it was an important part of the de Salis strategy, as a noble estate always r[...]e shared domestic ideal and the essential problem of selection. Both the de Salises and the selectors had the aim of achieving the domestic ideal - the home, the hearth and family. The difference was in the scope of the establishment, the selectors looking for the[...]o help the respectable servants achieve the ideal of a small farm and residence so long as it was in t[...]ily. Thus the traditional Australian bush notions of egalitarianism and the “fair go” in th[...] |
| [...]eptember 1880. This gave the Wrights a large part of the northern end of Cuppacumbalong. Wright’s action prompted George[...]been “blowing about what he will do in the way of impounding our sheep”. Later that month, on the[...]ssing fencing with Wright negotiated the purchase of the selections (some 760 acres) for £500. The la[...]ending to select on Coolemon, clearly in the hope of securing some vital land that either Campbell or[...]George was able to dissuade them by flashing an offical letter about the reserves (de Salis diaries[...]rn to England. '72 These were JJ Wright “father of Queanbeyan", and his son JJM Wright. They were not related to James Wright former owner of Cuppacumbalong and Lanyon. |
| [...]e original conditional purchases. Given that much of the de Salis property was held as conditional purchases or improvement purchases, the process of taking up selections or making improvement purcha[...]required to undertake improvements. Improvements of course involve changes to the landscape so the pattern of selection and the de Salises responses resulted in the modification of the landscape to “improve” it. Thus the actual squatting landscape is a result of the patterns of land ownership and the associated improvements. The Conditional Purchase files record the process of improvement. Firstly the initial application was[...]posed to be paid compensation). Then the surveyor of the land was supposed to record improvements and[...]three years. After each declaration the Inspector of Conditional Purchases was to make an independent assessment of Improvements. Inevitably there were cases of discrepancy in value. The de Salises were noted on a number of occasions to have made fairly large claims for the value of improvements which were challenged by the Inspectors, in particular Charles Cropper, a redoubtable foe of the de Salises. '73 These disputes ended in the Land Courts or in Commissions of Inquiry. Once all the improvements and residence had been verified then a final certificate of conformity was issued, leaving the selector with[...]e. It is possible for the impact on the landscape of the process of selection to be assessed using this information. A database of improvements has been established. The assessments of improvements in the applicant’s declarations ha[...]ed on the surveyor’s assessment and the records of the Inspectors. The analysis has also ignored dum[...]e by dummies have been included in the assessment of the de Salis estate. Theoretically it should be p[...]til the 18705 and detailed and consistent records of inspection only exist from the 18805. '73 George de Salis wrote of Cropper, “I do not know why he has a dow[...] |
| [...]four categories, similar to those used by Butlin of looking at capital expenditure on pastoral stations in the Western Division of NSW. Table 7.4 Summary of de Salis Improvements on Cuppacumbalong Run Buil[...]ated with extreme caution given the inconsistency of the records on which it is based. But it shows g[...]These are that: 0 The value of land clearing activities is almost half of the expenditure. 0 The value of water conservation improvements is minimal. The critical point being that land clearing, of all the improvements, has the most direct impact[...]and trees are common, particularly on the margins of the flats, improvements emphasised clearing. The nature of the types of improvement and their impact on the landscape are[...]at either Cuppacumbalong or Naas homesteads, both of which were on freehold land, so there was no scop[...]as required to make a serviceable hut was a frame of stout timbers and some galvanised iron to make th[...]nd chimney. George de Salis records having frames of huts 20’ by 12’ made for £50 (de Sali[...] |
| [...]he difficulty in locating archaeological remains of hut sites. Even when their location is marked on[...]ckyards. These were more important to the working of the run than the portable houses (although I susp[...]aring was an important improvement as the essence of selection was to create small agricultural holdin[...]ld trees. The important point is that the process of clearing was occurring as a result of the Land Acts rather than being related to the en[...]that some clearing might have occurred regardless of the Lands Acts. In the debate on the Ring-barking[...]75 Leopold de Salis loudly proclaimed the virtues of ring—barking as an improvement to the land (rat[...]inspected his run as commenting that, “instead of being punished for the ring-barking on it I ought[...]racting fiom its value by preventing the growth of grass” ( emphasis mine, de Salis, NSW Parliamen[...]7). Clearing seems to have occurred in a variety of stages. First was ring-barking which involved cutting a deep groove around the sap wood of a tree with the aim of cutting the supply of sap to the branches from the roots and causing the tree to die. Associated with this was the picking up of dead wood and removing it, usually by burning. Th[...]poem Skeleton Flat: “And round all the trunks of the naked white trees The marks of the death-ring are seen.” Later he refers to the “skeleton wraith of a wood” (Lawson Skeleton Flat, 1890). m This a[...]s were often counted twice or more in the valuing of improvements thus the figure in Table 7.4 is likely to over-estimate the value ofof the chamber. |
| [...]ture trees where two trunks grow out from a point of common origin. Thus it was important to “sucker[...]king was effective in removing trees. The removal of trees often promoted rapid growth and colonisation of land by scrub species and scrub removal also beca[...]already been inspected and a final certificate of conformity issued then there was no reason to exp[...]so burnt to destroy new growth. Finally the roots of the tree were “grubbed,” this involved cutting the roots of a tree at depth and removing the stump. Usually t[...]basically grassy plains. However clearing was one of the few options for the squatter in making genuin[...]the de Salises there might well have been a sense of mission about ring-barking given Leopold de Salis[...]’ diaries indicate that he employed small teams of two to three people, usually local residents on a[...]nd improve portions. In addition there is mention of deliberately setting fire to some land. The dc Salises seemed to exaggerate the value of ring-barking particularly in the early years of selection. Later, the Inspectors of conditional purchases seem to give ring-barking a[...]ect the de Salises were over—claiming the value of improvements. When the regulations changed and th[...], it is notable that they only specified fencing of selections rather than insisting on clearing. This probably reflects the local situation in the County of Cowley where agriculture was not going to be viable in the mountainous terrain. The impact of clearing on the landscape was probably not felt f[...]or each catchment depending on the configuration of the catchment. The amount of rainfall was also an important factor. As selecti[...]t, again reinforcing the tendency for the impacts of clearing to occur differentially across the lands[...]an uniformly across a squatting run. The burning of the landscape would have reinforced the effect of clearing by the squatters. George de Salis record[...]berately set on Cuppacumbalong. With the increase of fencing on the land however the setting of |
| 257 fires would have declined due to the possibility of expensive fences being burnt out. On Coolemon, th[...]was not seen as an improvement. Fences Fencing of squatting runs as discussed in Chapter 3 began in[...]lia. The principle advantage lay in the reduction of labour costs and increasing stocking rates. Various forms of fences were constructed, ranging from the dry stone walls of the Western District, chuck and log fences, post and rail fences and increasingly from the 18503 wire fences of varying types (see Pickard 1992, 1997). Generally fencing is not considered to be a major agent of environmental change however Pickard (1994), has[...]n where timber sources were scarce and the impact of cutting the trees would have been more pronounce[...]the Canberra region. From the squatter’s point of View, fencing, while important in managing stock,[...]if running around every small portion. Thus many of the de Salis fences on portions were not fencing the portion boundaries but part of a larger scheme of fencing on the run creating paddocks suitable for stock. Thus the rectangular pattern of selection on the parish plans would not be matched by a similar pattern of fences on the ground. Following the passing of the Crown Lands Act (1884) every conditional purchaser was required to fence the boundaries of the conditional purchase with a substantial fence of the “prescribed classes” and maintain the fence in good repair during the period of residence required by each conditional purchaser[...]requirement for fencing would have had the effect of increasing demand on timber resources and encoura[...]Under the Crown Lands Regulations 1884 six types of fences were specified but this seems to have bee[...]arious amendments to the regulations, the classes of acceptable fencing was increased. In the late 18803 the Local Lands Board began to specify the type of fencing and the area it was to enclose. This was[...]e was also a requirement for a selector to obtain official permission to enclose a watercourse[...] |
| There is no record of the de Salises ever constructing a darn, well or[...]od and reliable rainfall in the region. Draining of swamps Improvements on the Boroombah run by the McKeahnie family (neighbours of the de Salises) inevitably included the construction of drains to drain the swampy flats and this seems to be a common activity elsewhere in the district. It is, of course, of short- term benefit in improving animal health (as it reduces the risk of footrot) but as the swampy flats acted as de-facto dams, draining swamps has a long term effect of reducing water available for the stock. In considering the overall pattern of husbanding the run, the de Salises having gone down the route of establishing the estate by conditional purchase w[...]ch portion. This requirement existed irrespective of whether a portion actually needed to be “improv[...]ments to be more closely related to the realities of grazing. However “improvement’ was still being derived by legislation rather than by the realities of grazing and the environment. This explains why so[...]t a requirement for using the land. The sequence of improvement (i.e. where and when it occurred) is[...]pold’s interest in ring-barking, no doubt a lot of the land would have been ring-barked in any case. CONCLUSION The de Salises used a variety of strategies to fashion the de Salis freehold estate out of the leasehold run. Detailed study of the individual portions through the Lands Department files combined with the diaries of George de Salis, has allowed a unique insight into the process of husbanding a squatter’s estate. This process was largely controlled by the patriarch of the family Leopold de Salis, assisted by his son George who was the manager of Cuppacumbalong and Coolemon. However Leopold did not have a free hand in the creation of the estate as he had to work through a system of legislation, regulation and bureaucracy which, while underpinned by commonly held notions of domesticity, had the aim of promoting the “yeoman” farmer rather than the squatter. The importance of the evidence in the de Salis diaries, with their[...]and the Lands Department records, with their view of the process, is that for the first time t[...] |
| 259 the personalities of the individuals involved, and their social roles can be seen. Thus, unlike the broad view of squatter versus selectors which sees them as bein[...]e first means used to create the estate was that of exercising their pre-emptive right under the Orde[...]ng homestead through purchase without competition of village lots at Tharwa. However Leopold de Salis secured most of the land through the process of conditional purchase under the various Land Acts.[...]lections the de Salises were able to gain control of the most valuable land, the flats within Cuppacumbalong run (and Naas after 1869) and turn much of their leased run into freehold estate. By the process of counter selection and some sharp work in the Lands Office they were able to “quarantine’ hostile s[...]g them to select on non-essential land. A pattern of land ownership of a large estate with small farms on the margins was created. The actual shape of the land was created according to the surveyor’s regulations of the time which aimed to prevent squatters from sq[...]tors. Thus some selection patterns were suspected of “peacocking” the land and were rejected. As all parties mainly used the selection provisions of the various Crown Land Acts the creation of an estate was linked with the need to make improv[...]ainly clearing, followed by fencing, construction of buildings and some dam construction. On Coolemon there was minimal clearing recorded and the majority of improvements were fencing and buildings. These di[...]he selectors were forced to improve, irrespective of any need to for grazing purposes, although given the strong commitment of Leopold de Salis to ring-barking, it is likely th[...]ng would have been ring-barked as a demonstration of his ability to husband the run according to the latest principals of “scientific” farming.I76 '76 In this context, it should be mentioned that William Farrer, one of Australia’s early “agricultural scient[...] |
| 260 The impact of the de Salis husbanding and the elements discusse[...]e following chapter which focuses on the creation of the de Salis cultural landscape on a catch[...] |
| [...]Salis landscape was created by using the strategy of working through the Land Acts to control the fir[...]modation with selectors when appropriate. The use of the Lands Acts required that each portion be “i[...]ring-barking. In this chapter, the transformation of the landscape due to these processes is outlined[...]and photographs in order to try to give a Vision of how the landscape was put together. The data on the pattern of land acquisition is derived from the Conditional[...]l as Boroombah and Orroral). The relevant aspects of the files were copied and filed according to po[...]tour map derived from AUSLIG’s 1:250,000 series of digital mapping data. These produced the maps used for each catchment. ‘78 Analysis of each catchment was made by a combination of detailed examination of the relevant 1225,000 topographic maps and by field inspections of all catchments,179 (except Coolemon which I was unable to get to due to snow). Descriptions of the landforms were made using Australian Soil and[...]ok (McDonald et al. 1990) which is a valuable way of describing (and to some extent explaining) the physical environment. The process of combining this information into landscape descrip[...]to Paddy’s River. This is mainly the catchment of Barnes Creek, which rises on the eastern side of a ridge running north south from Castle Hill to B[...]0m wide and about 1.2km long. On the eastern side of the flat rises a ridge, 40m above the flat. The[...]ridge. Lambrigg Homestead is on the eastern side of the ”7 Here 1 gladly acknowledge the help of my sister Meg Stuart in establishing the database. '78 The overlay of the different layers of data was not precise, no doubt due to the well-known difficulties of using the cadastral plans, which were not precisely tied into any form of geoid. '79 I was assisted by Miss S. McKay[...] |
| [...]rivate graveyard (probably containing the remains of William Farrer) is located on its crest. The initial selections of Portions 7, l9, & 20 in 1863 were protecting fron[...]urrumbidgee. The garden and hut shown on the plan of 1864 were probably some form of out—station. Portion 20 took in an area known a[...]and the de Salises attempts to control the extent of their selections. Thus Portions 24, 25, 26, |
| Figure 8:2 Photo of Catchment 1 from the South-West showing flats an[...], was improved by the de Salis family as the bulk of the improvements were done by April 1885, after t[...]conditional purchase. By November 1877, the date of Cropper’s inspections, the majority of the land in the catchment seems to have been ring[...]used it for his experimental wheat crops.180 Much of this land lies in the flat and valley sides but no single portion takes in the flat, suggesting the aim of the selections was to block in the Oldfields.[...]hich resulted in the famous “Federation" strain of wheat. The great irony is that the wheat w[...] |
| Figure 8.3 Catchment 2 Murrumbidgee North of Tharwa The area to the west of Tharwa consists of a ridge running north west from the Tharwa Trig p[...]eek) through to Castle Hill. The area to the east of this area and south of catchment l is in this catchment. Although the sl[...]angular with the base being the northern boundary of Catchment l and is 1.2km wide. The apex is the Th[...]n to the Murrumbidgee. The catchment has a number of small watercourses running west from the ridge li[...]was first taken up by the pre-emptive purchases of Leopold de Salis and described as good agricultural land. Portions 1 & 2 were linked by selections of Portion 17 & 18, which lapsed and were purchased at auction in 1869. These selections took up much of the flat. No record of improvements exist for any of these portions. |
| [...]re 8.4 Catchment 2 looking South from the flanks of Castle Hill ridge The northern border of this catchment was part of the land disputed by the Oldfield‘s and the de[...]the selection and improvement pattern is a result of this action. There were also the small selections of both Harris and Robertson which eventually were t[...]s dummies for the de Salises. This was in an area of moderately sloping land which could not be consid[...]made selections further inland in the hills west of Tharwa during 1880-1881. Selectors John Sheedy and Daniel White made later selections and conditional leases of land around the margins of Castle Hill in the early 18905. Improvements generally consisted of ring-barking and clearing, with more intense cult[...]ilt on the selection blocks. Initial improvements of clearing, fencing, and a house were recorded on Portion 23 as part of Harris’s selection in the period 1867-69. Impro[...]880. Improvements on the de Salis selections west of Tharwa were made between 1885 and 1888. Finally, a fairly substantial set of improvements were made by Sheedy on Portio[...] |
| [...]evident gully erosion. On the north western side of the creek there is a moderately inclined slope rising some 50m in 300m to the crest of the Clear Hills ridge. Sawyers Gully is mostly cleared and grassed with a few areas of weed infestation. Two of de Salises pre-emptive selections, Portions 3 and[...]wed by conditional purchases (by George de Salis) of Portions 13 & 14, which linked the two previous p[...]hed Fishlock as a dummy in the north-westem comer of the catchment by a series of conditional purchases (Series 14) in 1873 and 187[...]d around Castle Hill. The McKeahnies took up some of the hills along the boundary between Boroombah and Cuppacumbalong (i. e. the western edge of the catchment) mainly as conditional lease[...] |
| [...]pring) gully The improvements by 1863 were areas of fencing and cultivation on Portion 15 and a but o[...]ts when surveyed in 1864 but by 1866 improvements of cottage, farm buildings, milking, stock & pig yards, fencing, clearing and draining of lands to the value of £1 70 were claimed for both portions. How[...] |
| [...]gully looking North West Selection on the sides of the flat resulted in intensive clearing. Not onl[...]ring was undertaken in 1884. No doubt, one effect of , this was increased erosion. There is severe gully erosion along Sawyers Creek and in ‘ eroded sections of the creek evidence of recent deposition of sediment. The final phases of improvment occurred in the 1890s when small selections were established around Castle Hill, on the flanks of Mount Tennent and on the border of Boroombah and Cuppacumbalong. By this time, emphasis in the regulations was placed on fencing of boundaries rather than clearing, and so the impro[...]taken up must be seen as second class on account of its steep slopes, poor quality of vegetation and lack of water. |
| [...]GUDGENBY RIVER -WEST BANK The southern boundary of Sawyers Gully is a poorly defined ridge running[...]and meeting high ground which forms an extension of the Clear Range. Here the Gudgenby River flows t[...]a complex but gently inclined slope to the crest of the eastern ridge, which is followed by a more ge[...]granite boulders. The boulders and scrubby nature of the country meant it was not good quality and it was not intensely settled until the turn of the century. This was also the site of TSR 1063 and Water Reserve —6. The catchment is[...]he Gudgenby River and on the west by the boundary of Cuppacumbalong Run, which runs along a ridge from Mount Tennent. The shape of the flats in the catchment is rather like a J. The flats start about 2km south of the northern border and gradually widens to the s[...]bout 200m wide but in the south near the junction of the Naas River, it is some 800m wide. As the Gud[...]w to about 100m. This catchment was the location of an out-station since Wright held Lanyon (one of Wright’s shepherds was charged with letting the[...]a hut and gardens and presumably was the location of the out-station. No selections occurred in this area until December 1874 when the series of conditional purchases (Series 6) was established in the south of the catchment on a bend of the Gudgenby River. Henry Oldfield held these as[...]1 followed by Portion 159 as a conditional lease (of some 647 acres). Finally Portion 40 was selected[...]n May 1883. In effect, this put the southern part of the catchment into de Salis hands. By 1885[...] |
| [...]by River West Bank as s In the northern part of the catchment Portion 99 was selected in Septembe[...]3 and Portion 75 in August 1883. This is Series 7 of conditional purchases, which White was holding for George de Salis. The establishment of this series required a hut (2 rooms) for White to[...]lease in July 1890. This was located to the west of the Series 7 selections up on the flanks of Mount Tennent. When surveyed in 1891 the boundari[...]Andrew McMahon selected the land on the flanks of Mount Tennent in 1892. McMahon was building up a holding of selections on Mount Tennent and he took up some of the original conditional leased land (Portion 117) as selections. The improvements consisted of fencing. |
| [...]ugust 1872). This Catchment was selected as part of conditional purchase Series 10, which as discussed above was originally set out to follow the course of the gully. This was deemed unacceptable an[...] |
| Portion 121 , which was a portion of some 200 acres to the west of the catchment between the ridge and the Gudgenby[...]l purchase. On survey in July 1884 a small amount of fencing was recorded. On inspection in April 1886[...]122 and 119 as conditional leases. A minor amount of ring-barking was recorded on survey of Portion 109. The upper reaches of the catchment were contained within parts of Portions 39, 74, 75 and 110 but the files have not been locatedm Portion 77 was a conditional lease of George de Salis and took in the former Water Reserve WR 6. There is no record of improvements. CATCHMENT 6: REEDY CREEK Reedy Cr[...]scends through a flat, then through a short drop of about 100m in 1km, then through a much larger fla[...]gee. The first land taken up was Portion 1, one of de Salises pre-emptive purchases. This was to sec[...]n by Leopold de Salis. This in effect deprives us of any information on the improvements. As noted in[...]Reserve 66A and 67 were proclaimed on either side of Portion 1 on 6th June 1868. These prevented selection on the sides of the flat. To the north, Portion 68 was a conditional purchase of 640 acres (the minimum allowed) by Charles Dyball[...]0. He also held Portion 76 as a conditional lease of 634 acres. Dyball was a carter who worked for the[...]rom old iron fencing and a salt shed, total value of around £7. His second inspection in May[...] |
| [...]acres ring-barked, 20 acres packed and 2.5 miles ofof £375. The extra improvements were in extending t[...]s selection. What he did not do was to clear much of his 640 acres. Apart from ring-barking and some p[...]ortion 95 as a special lease. On the western side of Reedy Creek, running over the Clear Range, the land was held as part of the Cuppacumbalong run and not selected until the[...]was not selected until 1909. On the eastern side of the catchment, WR 67 was subdivided as Homestead[...]nto the Cuppacumbalong Land Exchange). Again much of the land was held as part of the Cuppacumbalong run and selection did not occu[...]balong. In the Reedy Creek catchment, the impact of improvement was not as great as elsewhere because of the pattern of selection. Once the core area of the flats were secure, which had occurred by 186[...]ral run, apart from the “friendly” selections of Dyball. Presumably, this reflects the poor quality of the remaining land although the flat selected as Portion 108 would have been of a higher quality. Strategically it would h[...] |
| [...]ENTS WEST or THE MURRUMBIDGEE There are a series of small catchments running up to 1km west of the Murrumbidgee and bounded by a ridge forming t[...]ts and Reedy Creek catchments. The characteristic of these catchments is a moderately inclined simple slope rising from the Murrumbidgee of about 100m in 600m followed by a gently inclined complex slope, almost a flat. To the west of this typically is a moderately inclined simple slope to the western boundary of the catchment. The catchments have been aggregate[...]asier. The first selection in the catchment was of Portion 23, a conditional purchase of Henry de Salis in May 1873. This was the first c[...]close a creek, while the two additional purchases of Portions 37 and 38 in September 1875 took in gently inclined land to the west of Portion 23. Portion 69 was selected in March 1881[...]lapsed. The series was completed by the selection of Portions 69, 78, and 79 as an additional conditional purchase of 240 acres along with a conditional lease ([...] |
| [...]ad been moved from the land once Henry’s period of residence was over, so apart from the fence the o[...]in October 1890. Edward Tandy selected a series of four 40-acre conditional purchases in 1875. These took in an area of flattish land on the western boundary of the catchment. These all lapsed between 18[...] |
| [...]ilar to the preceding one having a steep gradient of about 100m in 500m on the frontage to the Murrumb[...]ar Range. This is the last catchment in this area of Cuppacumbalong Run that was selected by the de Sa[...]ion in the catchment began with the establishment of Portion 26 as a conditional purchase of Martin Nugent, a dummy for the de Salises, in May[...]g-barked and 20 acres packed along with 40 chains of wire fencing. George de Salis then selected Portion 120 in July 1883. This selection linked this series of selections with those of Henry de Salis in Catchment 7, at this stage Port[...]to the Murrumbidgee (80 chains) and thus the area of Portion 120 was reduced to 51 acres. The selection of Portion 79 in November 1886 |
| [...]nted this. There were no improvements at the time of survey in February 1884. The final de Salis sel[...]1884 when a 309 acre block was taken to the west of Portions 24 to 26. Again, this was a problematic[...]surveyed for auction but not approved at the time of selection. As well, it enclosed the road from Tharwa to Michelago. The boundary of Portion 22 was adjusted to the west to avoid thes[...]ons in this area in 1898 and 1900. atter the sale of Cuppacumbalong. Possibly, George de Salis[...] |
| 282 CATCHMENT 9: EAST SIDE OF THE GUDGENBY RIVER AND NAAS RIVER. This catchmen[...]between the Gudgenby River and east to the crest of the Clear Range. This is moderately inclined land rising about 200m in about 1km to the crest of the Clear Range. The creeks accordingly run fairly straight and there are few areas of flat ground. These tend to lie on the crest of the ridge or between the river and the commencement of the upward slope. But there is not a consistent area of flat along the river. As a way of understanding settlement and improvement,[...] |
| [...]“ \\\\\\H\\\\\\ I Figure 8.15 Catchment 9 East of Gudgenby River and Naas River |
| Leopold de Salis selected Portion 121 in 1882 as part of his previous selections in Long Gully catchment.[...]ons were in a gently inclined area near the crest of the ridge but they must not have been important a[...]ray resided on Portion 113 by the river (no trace of his house remains). Lester in surveying the porti[...]that no road could be made along the eastern bank of the Gudgenby “owing to the roughness of country and the precipitous nature of the bank”. Lester noted improvements of a garden and was forced to reduce the size of Portion 114 to bring it into the 80—chain limit[...]ay was then 71 years old. The landform consisted of a moderately inclined rise to the crest of the ridge taking in most of Portions 113 and 114. The area on the river was g[...]0 acres were ring-barked and 80 acres packed. All of Portion 114 had been ring-barked. A further inspe[...]e Portion 118, taking the land east to the border of Dyball’s selection. The LLB required that the land be fenced. Reporting on his inspection of 10‘h March 1893, Inspector Spicer questioned Gr[...]due to his age and was concerned about the state of the fences. No wonder, as Gray had been dead for seven months by then and was resting in the outer circle of the de Salis burial plot! D. S. Betts however had[...]Bank in 1899. Dyball’s lease Immediately south of Grays series was Dyball’s conditional lease of 634 acres, Portion 76 taken up in July 18[...] |
| [...]hment 9 showing the steep rising land to the west of the Naas River Tong’s 1890s land Immediately south of Portion 76 are Portions 84, 111 and 83. Portion 84 was a conditional purchase of Thomas Tong in July 1890. Portions 84 and 111 were conditional leases held in virtue of the former selection. This land was an extension of Tong’s farming activities further south. Kelly[...]t credit upon the selector but has the appearance of being constantly used as a home, it contains bunk[...]and some 20 acres was packed. The land consisted of about 500m of gently inclined land of about a 12% gradient followed by about 1km of land rising steeply (gradient 38%) to the crest of the range. It is clear from later evidence that t[...]in April 1890 and in turn it came into the hands of the Union Bank in October 1892. They sold[...] |
| [...]unding these portions were two conditional leases of Portion 82 (some 960 acres) of July 1890. Patrick Kelly held a large amount of marginal land from 1890 onwards. It seems from ev[...]lis employee and was allowed to select Portion 96 of 40 acres in June 1881. This was the start of the farm “Naas Valley”. Portion 112 of 120 acres was selected in July 1883. Portion 41 of 100 acres was added in December 1883 and Portion 48 of 40 acres in October 1884. These portions fronted[...]g a block running from Naas Creek east to the top of the Clear Range. On survey of Portions 96 and 112 in August 1883 improvements of a brush fence, hut and garden worth £38 were rec[...]n found fencing valued at £24-2. A second series of inspections found the same improvements but that more clearing and fencing had occurred, bringing the value of improvements to £141 on both portions at[...] |
| [...]pected Portion 41 in July 1887 finding 32 chains of 6-wire fence and 20 chains of log and brush fences and 6 acres in cultivation. The survey of Portion 48 in February 1885 showed improvements of a fence running through the portion valued at £5-10, which was the property of the de Salises. Further inspections were not corr[...]h Tong’s application for the yearly instalments of interest on the land to be reduced noted that he[...]cultivation fronting Naas Creek and that the rest of the land was grazed. It seems most of the improvements were on the land fronting Naas C[...]ll area suitable for cultivation and a large area of not particularly good sheep country to the cast.[...]ted in October 1878. This land took in about 800m of gently inclined land and the balance steep rising land. Arthur Herbert Graham McDonald, a cousin of the De Salises, purchased both lots at auction. N[...]LTO Vol 557 Folio 135). This seems to be the site of the farm known naturally enough as “Glencoe”[...]oe Oldfield (junior) selected a 40 acres portion ofof cultivation was doubled in value to £20. It was[...]From Bob Booth who George de Salis considered one of the poorest squatters. |
| 288 The portion had about 540m of gently inclined land then rose steeply in a compl[...]in 1910) Portions 94 and 93 were taken up as part of this series. Apart from Portion 63 the whole seri[...]. Lenane Portion 101 was a conditional purchase of 40 acres in August 1881 and Portion 102 of 300 acres was an additional conditional purchase[...]n 92 was taken up as another conditional purchase of Joe Oldfield (junior) in August 1893 along with[...]t these into a holding, extending into the Parish of Yarara. CATCHMENT 10: NAAS VALLEY (WEST SIDE NAAS RIVER) The Naas Valley catchment runs from the junction of the Naas and Gudgenby Creek south. For the purposes of this study the catchment is confined to the main flat which is terminated by the southern boundary of the Parish of Cuppacumbalong. To the east it is bounded by the[...]illy Range. The main flat is on the western side of the Naas River and extends for about 1km westwards before rising 400m in about 1.5 km to the crest of the Billy Range. In contrast with the eastern side of the Naas River the western side flats are flatter, wider and the gradient to the crest of the Billy Ranges is more moderate. Therefore the[...]ng and cultivation than that on the opposite side of the river. Naas Valley was probably occupied by 1834 as part of Herbert’s Naas run. Later it was occupied as Na[...]w. The first selection in the catchment was that of Thomas Warner who took a 40 acres selection, Port[...]pted selections by the Herbert family and dummies of Portion 4 of 100 acres, Portion 5 of 50 acres, Portion 6 of 110 acres and Portion 7 of 100 acres. These were all made on the 5th March 1863. Warner made an additional purchase of another 40 acres, Portion 8, in September 1864.[...]ner’s selection was described as being the site of “an old stockyard, now abandoned of Mr. Chippendale”. The plan of Portion 3 shows a cultivation paddock on G[...] |
| [...]0 Naas Valley (west side Naas river) “about V4 of a mile up the creek from an old garden fence formerly in occupance of Mr. Chippendale”. Portion 6 was “near an old[...]Chippendales” this is shown on the portion plan of September 1864. So clearly Chippendale had improved Naas Valley by construction of yards, fenced areas off for cultivation and estab[...]selections were allowed to lapse due to the lack of survey, L. S. Thompson being blamed for th[...] |
| [...]se, Stockyards, fencing and clearing to the value of £75. The plan of the portions made in September 1864 shows a fence[...]and 8 are virtually empty and no further details of improvements can be ascertained. George de Salis[...]e portion plan. The next action was the purchase of measured Portions 3, 5 and 7 (i.e.. lapsed conditional purchase’s of the Herbert family), a total of 250 acres by Leopold de Salis in March 187[...] |
| [...]land at the time. George describes the inspection of his selection as occurring on the 15‘ December[...]cres for Warner”. This was the lapsed Portion 4 of 100 acres which Warner selected on 24Lh December[...]m and may have been taken to prevent any thoughts of expansion. The conditional purchase file only ha[...]it so no improvements are recorded. This series of conditional purchases, built on Portion 6, secured the middle of Naas Valley for the de Salis family by 1874, leav[...]rms. The key point is that there was only a strip of flat land along Naas River, which would have been useful for intensive farming. By the end of 1874 the de Salis had control of most of this land (around 1.5 miles) with Thomas Warner h[...]base for additional selections. The next series of selections were those of Series 2 based on a conditional purchase of 40 acres by Thomas Oldfield acting on behalf of George de Salis. Oldfield took Portions 59, 60 a[...]ions in July 1875. These were located at the head of Naas Valley to the west of Portion 3. This area was a wide flat of about 1.4 km west of the Naas river and bounded on the north by the Gudgenby river. These selections secured most of the land for the de Salises. Improvements on surv[...]inspection in October 1878 revealed improvements of a very poor hut and ring-barking on all th[...] |
| [...]e that encompassed the land to the west and south of the original purchase. In the south it filled th[...]alis also expanded his own holdings in the middle of the catchment by additional conditional purchase of Portion 100, some 100 acres south of Portion 6 in July 1881. To this he added Portion 44 of 62 acres in July 1883. George originally wanted t[...]earing. These last two selections marked the end of de Salis’ selections until 1890 (although Leopo[...]at that stage two large holdings, one at the head of the valley and the other in the middle with a small gap of about 40 chains between them. This gap was fille[...]anuary 1887. The de Salises occupied the majority of the wide flat beside the Naas River. The remaini[...]rn hills. A large selection was made at the head of the valley by Michael Cotter in August 1881. This[...]a prominent hill and ridge. There is a small area of flat basically running some 300m away from the bank of the Naas River as it curves around this bill. Se[...]George de Salis in July 1890 followed by a series of selections and conditional leases taking in Porti[...]the de Salis freehold up to the crest (and over) of the Billy Range. I suspect these selections were[...]er small selections were made at the southern end of the valley by the Oldfield (circa 1900) and Kirc[...]F. O’Conner took the tempting gap in the middle of the De Salis selections in 1900. These selections followed the abolition of the reserves. Nothing really remains from[...] |
| [...]oon Creek is a small creek running for a distance of some 6km north and lying west of the main crest of the Billy Range. For the first 5km it runs throu[...]n through this valley. The valley itself consists of a moderately inclined slope from the ridge on the[...]west before rising steeply to reaching the crest of the western boundary of the catchment. The first selection in this catchment was a conditional purchase of 100 acres by James Oldfield who selected Portion 2. This was followed by selections of Portions 12 and Portion 11, each of 100 acres in May and June 1881. The selections fr[...]idge crest 150m above Half Moon creek. On survey of Portion 2 in April 1881 the only improvement was[...]886, listing a two-room slab hut, a shed, 4 acres of cultivation, an old hut, garden and stockyard and[...]took Portion 22 as a conditional lease in virtue of his selection of Portion 21 (which was in the Gudgenby River Catch[...]p by Campbell and Circuit. Selection in the south of the catchment took place circa 1903—05. |
| [...]_CATCHMENT 12: NAAS FLAT Naas flat is an area of extensive flats adjacent to the Gudgenby River a[...]oombah Creek. The catchment was the home station of the Naas run of William Herbert who established himself here in t[...]the runs as being separate. There is no ev1dence of a separate residence for the |
| [...]d. William Herbert was buried there in 1857. The official boundary between Cuppacumbalong and Naas i[...]the Gudgenby river and, if any sense can be made of the 1848 boundary description, this seems to be i[...]lan (circa 1880) the run was incorporated as part of Cuppacumbalong Holding and accuracy of internal boundaries between the incorporated runs[...]Naas and Naas Valley were sold to the partnership of Emmanuel Mandelson and Moses Joseph in October 1866.184 Mandelson and Joseph are of interest due to their being a rare example of Jewish squatters. The purchase included the two s[...]runs. It was mortgaged for £7505-6 (Land Titles Office Old System Title Book 701 folio 101). It see[...]into financial trouble as well as being accused of stealing one of the McKeahnie’s bullocks. The Australian Joint[...]de Salis for £4160 in October 1869 (Land titles Office, Old System, Book 118 Folio 135). Michael and Thomas Herbert applied for a pre-emptive purchase of a portion of their run and accordingly the land was surveyed in early 1859. The Portion No.32, Parish of Naas185 took in some 160 acres with a 27-link frontage on the Gudgenby river. The plan of the portions shows farms buildings, yards, a garden and cultivation paddocks. The first series of conditional purchases occurred with the series of conditional purchases on the northern bank of the Gudgenby river (partly in Catchment 4) in 187[...]reek and ran back into the steeply rising flanks of Mount Tennent. The next selections were a series of conditional purchases made by Thomas Gregory. Starting in 1881 he took Portion 10 of 80 acres, Portion 1 of 80 acres in 1882,'86 Portion 15 of 240 acres in 1883 and Portion 17 of 100 acres in 1884. These took in the flats on the west side of the Gudgenby River and were bounded to the north[...]in 1890 John Gregory took up the land to the west of these portions as a conditional lease and a condi[...]e surveyors forgot it or thought it was in Parish of Cuppacumbalong when Portion l was being su[...] |
| [...]s is despite Gregory’s holding the largest area of flat. However the de Salis diaries report Tom Gr[...]e Salis diaries 6th October 1881). In the context of the diaries, this would seem to be a friendly sel[...]acres had been grubbed and burnt off. Total value of improvements was £39. A second inspection in Ju[...]Portion 1, inspected in July 1887, had 26 chains of 6-wire fencing and 20 acres cleared and grubbed while Portion 15 and 50 chains of fencing and 80 acres ring- barked. Portion 17 was[...]d and 100 acres scrubbed and there were 30 chains of 6-wire fencing. '87 There is no mention of them in the de Salis diaries. f |
| [...]est down the Gudgenby River valley The aggregate of Gregory’s land was 500 acres, which was improved to the value of 1314-50 (Lands Department - Conditional Sales Bra[...]to the west. The remaining land was left as part of the Cuppacumbalong pastoral holding except for Po[...]nt purchase in 1882. This was located on 51 acres of land at the junction of Half Moon Creek and the Gudgenby River. Leopold d[...]fencing and 6 acres cleared. On survey the value of improvements was found to be £51, the house bei[...]de Salis took Portion 20 immediately to the west of the Naas pre-emptive right as a 360-acres conditional lease. This was part of the Series 2 conditional purchases in the Naas Valley catchment. Finally, in August 1890, a small selection of 80 acres was taken up as Portion 19 by a H[...] |
| [...]t also occurred up Boroombah Creek where a series of selections were taken in the ranges to the west of Mount Tennent (circa 1909). In comparison with other areas of the Cuppacumbalong run the de Salises seem to hav[...]tern edge (and thus farthennost from Queanbeyan) of their holdings to prevent hostile selection. Also, of all the runs, Naas had the least amount of flat and securing that may have been of less importance than say the Naas Valley. CATCHMENT l3: COOLEMON The 1848 description of Coolemon as “bounded on the north by lofly mou[...]he plain and separate Coolemon from the catchment of Peppercorn creek. To the south the plain is bound[...]he north and north west. Immediately to the north of Howell’s Peak is a saddle that separates “the[...]n in January 1872 from O’Rourke for £275. The official boundary of Coolemon run seems to be the boundaries of the Parishes of Coolemon and Murray. This includes land on Pepper[...]the 1848 Gazette the boundary was along the ridge of the Coolemon Range not on the creek. The answer, I think, is that the boundary of the run and of the parish was not surveyed until the 18808 when[...]oss the Coolemon Range. '38 Thomas Fishlock, one of de Salis’ employees had lived on Coolemo[...] |
| [...]irty years and there were improvements consisting of “the old homestead” and stock yards on the r[...]no selection on the run until 1876 there are few official records of improvements on the run. "‘9 A different[...]duced map obscured the portions with the contours of the terrain. |
| [...]o have been supervising on Coolemon over a number of seasons. George’s initial trip to Coolemon was[...]took about a day. When they got there the party of men set fire to the plains to promote fresh grow[...]o Coolemon. In 1875 they took their first flock of 10,670 sheep up. At Coolemon the flock was split[...]1876 the de Salises began fencing the boundaries of the run. This required negotiation with adjoining squatters, particularly McDonald of the Peppercorn run. Typically there was disagreement about some aspects of where the fence would run but as gentleman they r[...]n May. From 1878 the de Salises kept a small herd of cattle up on Coolemon which seems to have been lo[...]sheep and cattle, least for the owners and others of equivalent status. George records shooting and va[...]ations admired. In March 1878 George lead a party of visitors including his sister Nina and Emily and Mary Smith, daughters of the Rev Pierce Gulliard Smith, the Anglican vicar of Canberra. They visited Murray’s Cave and a day[...]Mary Smith. This seems to have come as something of a surprise to Mary who thought about it for five[...]about it. George de Salis, taking up a selection of 320 acres on Coolemon on the 16th November 1876,[...]at £70. These were Portions 1 & 2 in the Parish of Murray. '90 We know Fishlock was with the cattle[...]tion is vague. George in a letter to the Minister of Lands mentions that men and cattle have be[...] |
| [...]ing the following winter afier that at intervals of two or three months occasionally staying there a week for muster. From the time of his marriage in March 1878 he never remained a si[...]in October 1882 but as there was over £40 worth of improvements on the land the Lands Departm[...] |
| [...]the environment and related to the establishment of a homestead. Tom Oldfield selected a 40-acre con[...]south and the other north. The Pockets were east of the Cooleman Plains but within the run boundaries. They were the first flat on a series of flats and plains west of the Bimberi range. Oldfield's selection made in[...]as followed by an additional conditional purchase of 600 acres in February 1882. Surveyor Lester foun[...]d roughly the same improvements at £160 approval of the series was given in October 1887. Again the[...]o facilities not to the landscape. The Treachery of the Campbells On the 22nd January 1882 while ret[...]ned that Frederick Campbell had taken a selection of 640 acres on Coolemon (de Salis diaries). This wa[...]and Archibald McDonald had taken four selections of 640 acres together on the 19‘'1 January 1887 on[...]the same time (around 3pm) and all paid deposits of £160 as the selections were so large. McD[...] |
| [...]nother squatters run- he has been told by several of the towns people that his action was mean and ben[...]is response was to act to secure the key portions of the runs. The next Lands Day was the 2"d February[...]e areas be reserved from selection “on account of the many natural curiosities” (de Salis diaries 25th January 1882). The second of February was obviously going to be a day of great tension for the de Salises. It started with[...]had been reserved the previous day (R 658 County of Cowley, Parish of Coolemon Gazetted on the 1St February 1882). Geor[...]wed them “Papa’s letter” (presumably notice of the Reserve in that area) so they abandoned the idea and gave George the notices and descriptions of the blocks they intended selecting (de Salis diar[...]applications for each block so that in the event of a dispute the would have a better chance in a bal[...]he selections were: 191 Although the reputations of the Campbells as gentlemen had been suspect since[...]oe there was an underlying motivation in this act of aggressive selection. After Frederick Campbell ac[...]in 1881, he began to fence in the estate and that of his father at Belconnen. The fencing cut the road[...]against George de Salis for trespass and damages of £1000. This was similar to the better known actions of Campbell and Guise against John Southwell and Wil[...]e “gum tree war” resulting in the declaration of the Tharwa Reserve). '92 Oldfield select[...] |
| Thomas Oldfield 600 acres Parish of Coolemon Portion 8 the Pocket John Flanagan 320 acres Parish of Murray Portion 6 17 Flat William Harris 320 acres Parish of Murray Portion 1 The Plain Later Edward Gregory took 320 acres'93 at the Blue Waterhole, Parish of Murray, Portion 9 ((de Salis dairies 2"d February[...]glad that we have been able [0 save the best part of Coolemon” (de Salis dairies 2"‘1 February 188[...]well the de Salises had achieved the reservation of the Coolemon Caves - now part of the Kosciusko National Park. The land selected b[...]ll and his dummies were Portions 11, 12, 13 andl4 of the Parish of Murray. Frederick Campbell’s portion was voided[...]conditional purchase on Cave Creek in the middle of Portion 13 on 2"d March 1882. This selection was no more than of nuisance value. No improvements were made and no[...]Later inspections indicated an increase in value of improvements to £228-again mainly fixtures such[...]n inspected in April 1885 and recorded a slab but of two rooms with an iron roof valued at £30, 3 miles of 6—wire fence £180 sheep yards and stock[...] |
| total value of improvements was £360. The land was transferred[...]ut with iron roof valued at £20 and some 4 miles of wire fencing valued at £222. The but was located on a track to Blue Water Holes and now goes by the name of Coolamine Homestead. Manton’s inspection on th[...]upon the cp for three months after the expiration of the term required by the Act. The place has all the appearance of having been used as a bona fide home”. Folio[...]ected before him.‘94 He therefore got a portion of 365 acres. When Manton inspected the portion in A[...]y comfortable slab but with an iron roof, 5 acres of cultivation and 2.5 miles of 6-wire fence. Later on his second inspection in J[...]purchase in February 1883 and took in the balance of the original Portion 13 less Portion 10. The land[...]’ selection was thought to be immediately south of the 640 acres of Portion l3. |
| These four selections created a run of four square miles on the northern part of the Coolemon Plains. The improvements were mainly fencing with two substantial houses being established. Of McDonald’s on Portion 12 nothing remains but Coolamine on Portion 11 remained in use and is now part of Kosciusko National Park.I95 In comparison with t[...]ester on 6th December 1882 who noted improvements of but £18 and yard £2. Flanagan was not there “[...]here with his wife and children through the snow of last winter, and when it melted he took her away to a station of Mr de Salis’s (Naas) one of his children being ill — after that he went reaping and shearing for a length of time and is now engaged in splitting timber to fe[...]ad been resided in, but now it has the appearance of being deserted, selector not upon the land[...] |
| [...]by Joseph Fall who had selected Portion 5, Parish of Murray and Portion 1, Parish of Cooleman but was forfeited on the 3rd June 1891 for non-residence along with the rest of Fall’s land. It was reserved from conditional purchase by R 14058 of 4/7/1 891. It is not clear whether Edward Gregor[...]his brother John at Naas I think Edward was more of a “fiiendly selector” rather than a dummy. The description of the land was somewhat convoluted and vague, the C[...]ut by two large gullies and fronts the steep side of Cave Creek. The land as selected was in fact part of Reserve R658 of 1St February 1882 that was later cancelled on the 13th March 1882 to be replaced by R 664 of 13‘h March 1882. An area of 40 acres was excised and then later made availabl[...]ecessary improvements and requesting an extension of time. He was advised to await Manton’s inspecti[...]ecessary improvements and requesting an extension of time. He had apparently submitted his final decla[...]th Section on 14th May 1887, listing improvements of house, fencing and clearing valued at £14[...] |
| [...]d man and was not residing upon the land at date of visit, the but has the appearance of having occasionally used — Two bunks in the hu[...]place very little used. By the general appearance of but and surroundings I am led to believe that the[...]1887 the LLB held an inquiry into the conditions of residence and improvements on Gregory’s conditi[...]brother John). The LLB found that the conditions ofof being used as a home.” Folio 89/18322 L[...] |
| [...]en. George de Salis applied for Portion 6, Parish of Murray as an additional conditional purchase and[...]e only improvements were fencing. The settlement of Coolemon run was really a result of the dispute between the de Salises and the Campbe[...]growth for the newly shom sheep to graze on. Most of the huts were abandoned or possibly moved to a ce[...]he husbanded the de Salis estate with assistance of his son George de Salis. The overall trend was fo[...]alis flock and year long grazing for a small mob of cattle. The Naas runs were a logical expansion of the Cuppacumbalong Run and fitted into the existing patterns of movement through the landscape and the existing patterns of grazing. However the addition of Naas changed the geographically central part of the run from Cuppacumbalong homestead to the area[...]diaries show that Naas in many ways was the focus of pastoral activity, with the homestead acting as a[...]iage). Cuppacumbalong was still the social centre of the run, convenient to the Cunninghams at Lanyon[...]eir loved ones. Creating the de Salis estate out of the runs necessarily involved working through the various Crown Lands Acts that controlled the alienation of Crown Land. I say through because, as shown, the de Salises did not exactly comply with the letter or spirit of the law, but the legislation did set the framework of domesticity that the de Salises had to '96 All t[...]lps as the “Man from Snowy River" was something of a pyromaniac (Hancock 1972:143-147). |
| [...]ge reserve. Initial selections were in the north of the run in Catchments 1 to 3 and in Catchment 6.[...]the de Salises did not initiate the proclamation of water and other reserves to secure elements of the run from selection. By selected conditional p[...]ek) and to establish portions along the west bank of the Murrumbidgee to the north of Tharwa. Here they had to fend off the Oldfields[...]nd when matters reached a point where a key piece of land was to be selected, it seems the de Salises[...]s act pales into insignificance with the reports of squatter hostility to selectors and wholesale cor[...]It seems that the de Salises employed a strategy of trying to come to terms with Joe Oldfield and were prepared to allow the northern parts of Cuppacumbalong to be used by him. From 1872 a series of selections were established mainly to secure land on the Naas Runs and the flats and hills to the west of the Murrumbidgee to the south of Tharwa. These series seem to have secured the important areas of the run and by 1880 the de Salises were allowing[...]e Salises were surprised by the hostile selection of Frederick Campbell and his dummies that cut 4 square miles of flat from Coolemon. This was their biggest loss[...]ce in the short term. '98 Still the major failure of the de Salises was to leave Coolemon unsecured. P[...]lis strategy to deal with selectors was a mixture of attempting to accommodate them or even assist the[...]did in most cases, or trying to minimise the size of land selected by counter selections of key land or, in the case of Coolemon, using reserve creation to limit the possibilities for expansion of selected land. Accommodation seems to have been a[...]n ruinous selection wars. No doubt the assistance of selectors was seen by '98 Of course in the long term Campbell got Cuppa[...] |
| [...]others) as being virtuous in his role as a member of the squattocracy and a gentleman, assisting the i[...]ld afford to be generous as they had secured many of the flats within their run, leaving selectors only small areas of first class land and allowing them to select larger areas of steeply sloping, poorly watered, second class land. For example in Catchment 9 on the east side of the Gudgenby and Naas Rivers selection by friendly selectors was encouraged. This took in small arcs of flat and large areas of slopes. On the other side of these rivers where there were larger areas of flat to be selected the de Salises took up all t[...]eir limit, if not quite breaking the law. The use of dummies, false declarations of residence and general overclaiming of the value of improvements certainly raise questions about hone[...]o evidence to show that Leopold de Salis, because of his position, had any greater influence in the L[...]t were moved from series to series as the demands of residence required. Most of the improvement was in the area of clearing; virtually all the portions were ring-ba[...]d. Fencing initially was tied in with the pattern of fencing over the whole run so a fence might run d[...]ing requirements, particularly after the passing of the 1884 Crown Lands Act, fencing began to follow the boundaries of selections or series of selections. The impact of the de Salises on the landscape was driven by the requirements of the Crown Land Acts as well as good management of their runs. The first selections made in the cat[...]en ring-barked and cleared to increase the extent of grass for the sheep. In the early 18705 selections were made around Naas, the western side of the Murrumbidgee (particularly in the hilly land to the west of the earlier selections) and in Spring Gully. In the early 18803 selections took up more of the hilly country particularly around Tharwa and west of the Murrumbidgee and west of the Gudgenby River. Although these areas are reco[...]on deteriorated, the de Salises undertook a burst of selection and obtained conditional leases on a lot of hilly country, presumably to add to the assets they could mortgage. Overall the key aspects of the de Salis husbandry is the interaction of the Crown Land Acts and their administration with the environment. The concern of the Lands Department and the Crown Land re[...] |
| [...]hen in the late 18705 and 18805 they secured some of the hilly land as selections, as well as allowing[...]rtainly there would have been many more skeletons of ring-barked trees (these were noted as a common f[...]Griffith Taylor in 1910 (Taylor 1910). The area of grassland along the margins of the flats was created as the land was taken up a[...]evidently more regeneration. There is no evidence of the early fences of the 18603 as all the fences encountered were orie[...]points. There has been an increase in the density of settlement with the Cuppacumbalong run being spli[...]there are more fences. However the broad picture of grassy flats with grassy hills rolling into dens[...]lopes remains the same. To see the ultimate loss of Cuppacumbalong and Coolemon and the bankruptcy of the de Salises in the context of the tough economic conditions of the 18905 is important for the overall assessment of their success in husbanding the run. Like Wright[...]bad judgements but the bankruptcy came at the end of his long and fruitful life when his children were married and were well established, capable of making their own way in life. Leopold de Salis ha[...]ot an inconsiderable achievement. The husbanding of the de Salis estate from 1855 to 1892 demonstrate[...]actors that ultimately contribute to the creation of a squatting landscape. Underpinning the process was the notion of respectability as expressed through domesticity.[...]Australia would be advantaged by the development of a class of respectable yeoman farmers. This lead to b[...] |
| CHAPTER 9: CONCLUSION -THE LAND OF THE GOLDEN FLEECE |
| Land of the Golden Fleece (1926) Arthur Streeton INTRODUCTION In 1826, James Atkinson could consider the interior of New South Wales (South- Eastem Australia) as empt[...]int and supported by Government. As a consequence of this process, the landscape was irreversibly chan[...]ered and “owned” place with the accoutrements of settlement; fences, houses, woolsheds, yards, dam[...]ing, ring-barking and the ubiquitous rabbit. Land of the Golden Fleece (1926), one of the last of Arthur Streeton’s paintings, celebrates this ch[...]aura Run in Western Victoria against the backdrop of the Grampian Ranges. This marvellous image of the “natural” landscape shows sheep, a dam an[...]es but in such a way that they are naturally part of the landscape, their position unquestioned and ce[...]magic. The sheep are in harmony with the massive of Mount William and the Grampians behind them. '99 Streeton was the most prominent of the Heidelberg school of plain air painters the first school of Australian painters (excluding Aboriginal painters). They produced a number of paintings that have become national icons dealing with the historical themes of pioneering, sheep farming and selecting. |
| 316 This was the predominant view of Australian history at the time. Australia — the Land of the Goldem Fleece, where squatting and the wool i[...]d by historians pointing out the hegamonic nature of squatting, the removal of the Aboriginies and the negative environmental impact of squatting. In a sense the “Whig View” was cha[...]transformation from “empty land” to the Land of the Golden Fleece was more than a few men of “great force and endurance” setting out and establishing a new country. Neither was it a case of “environmental vandals” recklessly displacing the Aborigines and despoiling the land. The process of creating the squatting landscape was more complex[...]ng at a national level being applied at the level of the individual squatter and squatting run to prod[...]llenged the established views. Using the concept of cultural landscape applied to historical archaeol[...]not totalise history but allows the understanding of how the processes worked on an individual run or landscape. Using specific case studies of Lanyon and Cuppacumbalong, the interaction of the broad scale processes with local environments and individual squatters, the production of individual squatting landscapes has been examined[...]earch themes were used to organise the discussion of squatting landscapes and these are addressed belo[...]cess for initiating squatting was the development of the wool industry and the need for large areas of cheap land on which to graze sheep. Squatting was created by the refusal of the Colonial government to allow expansion beyond the limits of location. The squatters ignored such a prohibitio[...]try to make their fortune. The pioneering phase of squatting, that is the taking up and establishing of new squatting runs occurred over a long period of time, from the early 18205 when squatters moved beyond the limits of location, to the 18605 when the last squatting runs west of the Darling River were established. In that period of some 40 years, the method of pioneering seems unchanged. Small parties of explorers, either official parties or unofficial parties of squatters scouted the country looking for suitable areas for runs. Settlement followed by a process of leap-frogging beyond existing runs and then in-filling the gaps. By the 18405 when the process of squatting was formalised in legislation the period following the process of taking up runs was often followed by Government[...]to runs which were put up for tender. Two phases ofof the arid country which formed much of Western NSW. Prior to reaching this countr[...] |
| 317 into (and which were probably partially the result of Aboriginal burning practices) were readily adapta[...]t where there was less grass, less water and lots of saltbush squatting settlement had to take account of these limitations. From the mid-18305 squatters gradually moved into the west taking up runs on frontages of water courses and other water bodies but leaving gaps of unsettled or lightly occupied land on the treeless plains. Gradually a method of holding these lands was developed where dams, tan[...]as improvement purchases. This allowed settlement of the Western Plains of NSW which occurred from the late 18305 until the[...]run to have established a head station consisting of crude huts or tents and for the sheep flocks (of 500 to 1000 sheep) to be located in outstations across the landscape area. The boundaries of runs were established on natural features or mark[...]nment was readily adapted to grazing. Small areas of cultivation were established adjacent to the head[...]ide some vegetables to add to the relentless diet of meat. While the process of pioneering settlement across South-Eastem Australia took place over a period of some 40 years, the period of pioneering on each run seems to have been compara[...]d writing as well as the more sporting activities of squatting such as chasing stock and shooting things. This period of construction marks the end of the pioneering phases on a squatting run. Typically this occurs much earlier than the usually given date of 1848 when squatters were given security of tenure. Lanyon presents an interesting case study in squatting, being a mixture of grazing on freehold land and squatting. James Wri[...]ve been attracted to sheep farming by the reports of the profits to be made. Wright at least seems to[...]a run his brother William came out with the bulk of the capital. Neither Wright or Lanyon could be co[...]tely Wright’s difficulties lay in this mixture of land tenure as the cost of purchasing the freehold estate imposed a debt on[...]quatting mixture was reflected in the operations of Lanyon, which was run as a mixture of sheep grazing and intensive agriculture and dairy[...]activities were located close to the head station of Lanyon. Sheep flocks were dispersed across the l[...]landscape only around the head station. There was of |
| [...]landscape had become “owned”. It was the task of the respectable squatter to take this owned waste land and improve it for the betterment of his family and the common good. From squatter to squattocracy The process of moving from being a squatter to the squattocracy was one of asserting ones right to be considered respectable[...]nce to contemporary standards such as the “cult of domesticity” as expressed through their actions, appearance, and the husbandry of their property. The rapid construction of comfortable houses, equipped with at least the trappings of domesticity, the development of landscaped gardens, the separation from the worke[...]ing sheds) after a run was established was a sign of the respectable squatters. Furthermore, the act of establishing a squatting run was seen as being v[...]or both the squatter and the colony. The process of asserting their respectability separated the squa[...]by Governor Bourke who argued for the sanctioning of squatting. It also allowed the squatters to make[...]Governor Gipps' plans for more formal regulation of squatting. At Lanyon, James Wright was keen to assert his social position. As part of constructing the Lanyon estate he moved to displa[...]vidence relating to the buildings at Lanyon, none of the extant buildings can be convincingly argued to be from the Wright era so that Wright’s expression of his social position mainly has to be read through[...]rather than, as was hoped, through a combination of documentary and archaeological evidence. The Inquiry into the Administration of Justice at Queanbeyan reveals Wright as a person[...]aking a socially disgusting and improper practice of inspecting a convicts back after flogging. Wright is shown by this incident to be a person of obvious social status (other wise he would not have been a Justice of the Peace) but whose respectability might be seen[...]ight’s bankruptcy inventory lists various items of material culture that show Wright as being of genteel respectability and certainly maintaining appearances even at the edge of the limits of location. The analysis of the Wright era at Lanyon showed an ambiguity in Wright’s performance of his social position as a J .P. and in his husbanding of Lanyon. ' Although he did go bankrupt he[...] |
| [...]part from the roads issue, de Salis’ husbanding of the run shows that he was able to resolve most di[...]the Land Acts and build up a considerable estate of freehold land. Ultimately the environment brough[...]gued that selectors and squatters shared concepts of domesticity and that many squatters share the aims of selectors in establishing homes for their familie[...]as obviously considerable hostility. In the case of the de Salis’ at Cuppacumbalong a variety of responses to selection can be seen. In the case of hostile selectors, the de Salis’ moved to block[...]ly using their influence to obtain the selection of an important area of land. They aimed to quarantine selection in particular areas of Cuppacumbalong and later Coolemon. This was done by combining the use of the Lands Acts and a shrewd evaluation of the economic potential of the landscape. These skills allowed the de Salis’ to secure the most important areas of Cuppacumbalong - the flats. The de Salis strateg[...]ummies to select in their interest and the making of false declarations as to residence. Having seemed[...]ployees, to select on Cuppacumbalong. One aspect of the Lands Acts not discussed by the historians ha[...]ional purchase. In the de Salis case the majority of these improvements were in the nature of ring-barking which Leopold de Salis had |
| quite strong views about. It is possible, in the absence of the legal requirement to improve, that Leopold would have ring-barked much of Cuppacumbalong out of conviction of its positive effects. However given the requireme[...]he Lands Acts, ring-barking was used to open much of the land, promote grass coverage and fulfil the requirement to improve. It has been shown that the impact of these improvements in individual catchments is related to the nature of selection. Thus, the impact on the landscape of squatting and of selection is not universal but variable depending[...]was husbanded. More research into the mechanics of selection across NSW and Victoria will help provide a better picture of selection and the squatter/selector relationship than is currently available. Although the reports of the Parliamentary committees are useful, they are[...]As this study has demonstrated there is a wealth of detail in the conditional purchase files and in[...]ies have been undertaken then the overall picture of the nature and effects of selecting in South-Eastern Australia will become[...]LUSION The squatting landscape is a rich texture of historical processes, individual responses, and t[...]tself. As a whole, squatting is an important part of Australia’s history, historically it has been r[...]is thesis has struggled to go beneath the surface of these historical views and bring out both the ind[...]ng the landscape more interesting for the stories of Wright and the de Salis family. The result has be[...]and subtle and adds richness to our understanding of how Australia’s landscape was created. |
| Abell, R. S. 1991, Geology of the Canberra 1:100, 000 Sheet Area, Australian Go[...]Service, Canberra. Abrahams, H. 1984, A history of the landscape at Bolwarra. 1801-1983, B.Sc. (Arch) Thesis, University of Sydney. Abbott, G. 1971, The Pastoral age: A re—examination, Macmillan of Australia, Melbourne. Altick, R. 1973, Victorian People and Ideas: A companion for the modern reader of Victorian Literature, W.W. Norton, New York. Alt[...]to the Australian Alps, undertaken in the months of January, February and March, 1834 by Dr John Lhot[...]E. J. 1992, Major Mitchell 's Map 1834: The Saga of the Survey of the Nineteen Counties, Blubber Head Press, Hobart[...]ush, 5:19-30. Atkinson, A. 19793, ‘Four Pattems of Convict Protest’, Labour History:37:28-51. Atk[...]ssociates, Sydney. Atkinson, J. 1975, An Account of the State of Agriculture and Grazing in New South Wales, [1826] facsimile edition, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Bahn, P. 1992 The Collins Dictionary of Archaeology, Harper Collins, Glascow Bairstow, D[...]gton to Goonoo Goonoo: The historical archaeology of the Australian Agricultural Company’, in[...] |
| [...]search Methods in Historical Geography, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 233-243. Baker,. A. R. H.[...]in Historical Perspective: Essays on the meanings of some places in the past, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 1 - 1 4. Baker, A. R. H. a[...], Explorations in Historical Geography, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Baker, D. 1964, ‘The Origins of Robertson's Land Acts’, in Eastwood, J. and Smi[...]udies Selected Articles (first series), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.lO3-126. Barker, G. 1995, A[...]Annales History in the Biferno Valley, Leicester University Press, London. Barnard, A. 1958, The Australian Wool Market 1840—1900, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Barnard, A. (ed.) 1962, The Si[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Bassett, M. 1962, The Hentys: an Australian Colonial Tapestry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Beaudry, M., Cook, L. and Mroz[...]McGuire, R. and Paynter, R. 1991, The Archaeology of Inequality, Basil Blackwell Ltd., Oxford, pp. 1 5[...]ell Ltd., Oxford. Beever, E. 1965, ‘The origin of the wool industry in N.S.W.’, Business,[...] |
| of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 561248-6[...]dir Coast, Singapore and China: Being the Journal of a Naturalist in those countries during 1832,1833, & 1834, [1834] Libraries Board of South Australia, Adelaide. Beresford, M. 1984, Time and Place: Collected E[...]l Landscape - Past, Present and Future, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Billis, R. and Kenyon, A. 19743, Pastoral Pioneers of Port Phillip, [1930] facsimile edition, Stockyard[...]R. and Kenyon, A. 1974b, Pastures New: An account of the Pastoral Occupation of Port Phillip, facsimile edition, [1932] Stockyard[...]ey, G. 1964, The Rush that never ended: A history of A ustralian mining, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Blair, S. and Claoue-Long, A. 1993a ‘A landscape of captive labour: conserving and interpreting the evidence of the convict era in the contemporary landscape at[...]air, S. and Claoue-Long, A. 1993b, ‘A landscape of captive labour: evidence of the convict era in Lanyon’, Public History Revi[...]d Suppression in Austral iasl 88 7-1 89 7, Oxford University Press, Oxford. |
| [...]Briggs, A. 1963, Victorian People: A reassessment of Persons and Themes, 1851-67, Harper and Row, New York. Briggs, A. 1988, Victorian things, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Broadbent, J. 1976, ‘Early Sydney houses, examples of pattem-book architecture’, Art in Australia. B[...]. A. 1874, Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law: Third Progress Report and Minutes of Evidence, V & P L.A. 1873-74, Vol 3, Government P[...]ial Business in the Nineteenth Century, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Brown, P. L. 1935, The Narrative of George Russell of Golf Hill, Oxford University Press, London. Brown, P. L. 1952, Clyde Company Papers 11, 1836-40, Oxford University Press, London. Brown, P. L. 1987, The Challicum[...]gs by Duncan Elphinstone Cooper, National Library of Australia, Canberra. Bruck, J. 1998, ‘In the footsteps of the ancestors: a review of Christopher Tilley's A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places Paths and Monuments’, Archaeo[...]e, 15(1):23-36. Bryan, P. 1933, Man's Adaptation of Nature: Studies of the Cultural Landscape, University of London Press, London. |
| Buckley, K. 1955, ‘Gipps and the Graziers of New South Wales, 1841-46, (Part 1)’, Historical[...]-412. Buckley, K 1956, ‘Gipps and the Graziers of New South Wales, 1841-46, (Part 2)’, Historical[...]178-193. Burbridge, N. and Grat, M. 1970, Flora of the Australian Capital Territory, Australian National University Press, Canberra. Butlin, N. 1950, ‘Company Ownership of N.S.W. Pastoral Stations, 1865-1900’, Historica[...](14):89-1 1 1. Butlin, N. 1962a, ‘Distribution of the Sheep Population: preliminary statistical pic[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.281-307. Butlin, N. 1962b, ‘The Growth of Rural Capital, 1860-1890’, in Barnard, A. 1962,[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.322-339. Butlin, N. 1994, F arming a colonial economy: Australia 1810-1850, Cambridge University Press, Melbourne. Butlin, N. and Barnard, A. 196[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.383-400. Butlin, N., Cromwell, C. and Suthem, K. 1987, General Return of Convicts in NS. W., 183 7, ABGR, Sydney. Butlin, N. and Jennings, J. 1970, Atlas of Bundaleer Plains and Tatala, Australian National University Press, Canberra. Butlin, R. 1993, Historical Geography, through the gates of time and space, Edward Arnold, London. Butlin, S. 1968, Foundations of the Australian Monetary System, I 788—185] , Sydney University Press, Sydney. Buxton, G. 1967, The Riverina, 1861-1891, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Cain, N. 1962, ‘Companies and Squatting in the Western Division of New South Wales, 1896-1905’, in Barnard, A. 196[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.435-456. |
| [...]ne. Cambage, R. 1918, ‘Note on the Native Flora of New South Wales, Part X The Federal Capital Territory’, Proceedings of the Linean Society of New South Wales, 43:673—711. Campbell, J. 1968[...]Landscape: A lower Lachlan Survey, M.Phil Thesis, University of Sydney, Sydney. Cannon, M. and MacFarlane, I. 19[...]and the Squatter 1835-1840’, Historical Records of Victoria: Volume 6, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Carroll, J. 1989, Harpoons to Harvest: The Story of Charles and John Mills, Pioneers of Port Fairy, WIAE Press, Warrnambool. Carter, H.[...]s Spanish Flock: Sir Joseph Banks and the Merinos of George III of England, Angus and Robertson Publishers, Sydney. Carter, H. 1979, The Sheep and Wool Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks 1 781-1820, Library Council of N.S.W., Sydney. Chang, K. 1968, Settlement Archa[...]Co., London. Christian, C. 1958, ‘The Concept of Land Units and Land Systems’, Proceedings of the Ninth Pacific Science Congress, 20:74-81. C[...]Aborigines in Colonial Victoria 1835-1886, Sydney University Press, Sydney. |
| [...]nd Variability: A Southern Perspective, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.97-108. Clark, A. H. 1949, The Invasion of New Zealand by People, Plants and Animals, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick. Clark, A. H. 1954, ‘Hist[...]rican Geography: Inventory and Prospect, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, pp.70-105. Clark, C. H. M. 1955[...]hers, Melbourne. Clark, C. H. M. 1973, A History of Australia 111: The Beginning of an Australian Civilisation, 1824-1851, Melbourne University Press. Clark, C. H. M. 1978, A History of Australia IV: The Earth Abideth for Ever, 1851-1888, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Clark, J. G. D. 1933, ‘Review: The personality of Britain by Cyril Fox’, Antiquity 72232-4. Conn[...]ater and Settlement: The Archaeological Landscape of Saumarez Station’, Armidale and District Histor[...]lecting or Increasing Understanding?: The Dilemma of Historical Archaeology’, Australian Historical[...]Winterbourne: A Stuay in Historical Archaeology, University of New England, Armidale. Connell, R. and Irving, T[...]r, Bilambil Heights. Conzen, M. 1990, The Making of the American Landscape, Unwin Hymam, Boston. Con[...]al Writing on the American and Canadian Past, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp.3-90. |
| [...], D. 1978, ‘Place, Landscape and the dialectics of Cultural Geography’, Canadian Geographer, 121 :66-72. Cosgrove, D. 1982, ‘The myth and the stones of Venice: an historical geography of a symbolic landscape’, Journal of Historical Geography, 82:145-169. Cosgrove, D. 1[...]resentation in Sixteenth Century Italy, Leicester University Press Leicester. Cosgrove, D. and Daniels, S. 19[...]performance in Venice and its region’, Journal of Geography in Higher Education, 132: 169-183. Costin, A. 1954, A Study of the Ecosystems of the Monaro Region of New South Wales, Government Printer, Sydney. Cow[...]Free Selecting on the Eumerella Shore’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 554:355-379. Cox, E. 1936, The Evolution of the Australian Merino, Angus and Robertson Publis[...]ultural knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe. Crumley, C. 1[...]ultural knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp.1-16. |
| [...]s Mitchell: Surveyor General and Explorer, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Darby, H. C. 1931, The Historical Geography of England before AD. 1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darby, H. C. 1951, ‘The Chan[...]al, 674:377-394. Darby, H. C. 1956, The Draining of the Fens, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darby, H. C. 1957, ‘The Relations of Geography and History’, in Taylor, G. 1957, Geography in the Twentieth Century: A study of growth, fields, techniques, aims and trends, Phi[...]2. Darby, H. C. 1960, ‘An Historical Geography of England: Twenty years afier’, Geographical Journal, 1262: 147-159. Darby, H. C. 1962, ‘The Problem of Geographical Description’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 301 :1-14. Darby, H. C. 1973, A New Historical Geography of England, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darby, H. C. 1974, The Medieva[...]1920-1980: continuity and change’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 8:421-428. Davidoff, L. 197[...]London. Davidofl‘, L. 1979, ‘The Separation of Home and Work? Landladies and Lodgers in nineteen[...]vidoff, L. and Hall, C. 1983, ‘The Architecture of Public and Private Life: English Middle-class Soc[...]Fraser, D. and Sutclifie, A. 1983, The Pursuit of Urban History, Edward Arnold, London, pp.327-345. |
| [...]and Hall, C. 1987, Family Fortunes, Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1 780-1 85 0, Hutchinso[...]on. Davidson, B. 1974, ‘The Economic Structure of Australian Farms’, in Powell, J. 1974, The Making of Rural Australia: Geographical Readings, Sorrett P[...]edures Manual, Occasional Paper No 13, Department of Lands, Parks and Wildlife, Hobart. Davis-Wright, W. 1977, Canberra, (facsimile edition of 1923 work), Library of Australian History, North Sydney. Demeritt, D. 1994, ‘The nature of metaphors in cultural geography and environmental[...]ssion, Power and Theatre on the Bounty, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. De Certeau, 1984, The Practice of Everyday Life, University of California Press, Berkeley, (16 Salis, W. 1960,[...]ciety in Melbourne before the Gold Rushes, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. de Serville, P. 1991, Pounds and Pedigrees: The Upper Class in Victoria 1850-1880, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Dickinson, R. 1939, ‘Landsca[...]onmental History: Essays and Case Studies, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Duncan, J. 1980, ‘The superorganic in American Cultural Geography’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 702:181-198. Duncan, J. 1990, The City as Text: The politics of Landscape interpretation in the Kandyan Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. |
| [...]ian Wheat-Growing Industry, 1 788-1948, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Dyster, B. 1965, ‘Support for the Squatters, 1844’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 51 1:41-[...]Earle, C. 1992, ‘Introduction: The practice of geographical history’, in Earle, C. 1992, Geographical Inquiry and American Historical Problems, Stafford University Press, Stafford, pp.1-23. Evans, W. 1987, Hydrogeology of the Australian Capital Territory and Environs,Bureau of Mineral Resources, Geology and Geophysics Report[...]96, ‘Living and Working on Gostwyck in the days of the open range’, Armidale and District Historic[...]39: 123-1 34. Ferry, J. 1999, Colonial Armidale, University of Queensland Press, Brisbane. Fitzpatrick, B. 1941[...]ming, A. 1999, ‘Phenomenology and the megaliths of Wales: a dreaming too far?’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 182: 1 19-125. |
| [...]6, Landed Enterprise and Penal Society: a history of farming and grazing in New South Wales before 1821, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Fletcher, B. 1989, ‘Govemor Bourke and Squatting in New South Wales’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 744:267-288. Fletcher, E. 1993, Biographical register of the Australian Capital Territory, 1820—1911, Heraldry and Genealogy Society of Canberra. Fogarty, J. 1968, ‘The N.S.W. Pastor[...]77. Foley, J. 1957, Drought in Australia: Review of Records from Earliest Years of Settlement to 1955, Bureau of Meteorology, Bulletin No 43, Bureau of Meteorology, Melbourne. Foote, K., Hugill, P., M[...]nd Smith, J. 1994, Re-reading Cultural Geography, University of Texas Press, Austin. Forde, D. 1939, ‘Human Ge[...]The Pastoral Expansion and the Initial Occupation of “Australia Felix” ’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 701 :19-29. Fox, C. 1923, The Archaeology of the Cambridge Region: A topographic stuay of the Bronze, Early iron, Roman and Anglo-Saxon ages with an introductory note on the Neolithic Age, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Freeman, P. 1980, The Woolshed: A Riverina Anthology, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Freeman, P. 1982, The Homestead: A Riverina Anthology, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. French, M. 1994, Travellers in a Landscape: visitor ’s impressions of the Darling Downs, 1827-1954, University of Southern Queensland Press. |
| [...]s and their Sheep, 1788-1850, Australian National University Press, Canberra. Gascoigne, J. 1994, Joseph Bank[...]Usefitl Knowledge and Polite Culture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gell, P. and Stuart, 1. M. 1989, “Historical Impact of F ire in East Gippsland, Victoria Monash Publications in Geography, Monash University, Melbourne. Gell, P., Stuart, I. M., Smith, D]. 1993, ‘The response of vegetation to changing fire regimes and human a[...]housing in Middle Virginia: A structural analysis of historic artefacts, University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Gollan, R. 1960, Radical and Working Class Politics: A study of Eastern Australia, 1850-1910, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Goodman, D. 1994, Gold Seeking[...]A. 1987, “Geography and archaeology the growth of a relationship”, in Wagstafi‘, J. ed[...] |
| Guelke, L. 1971 ‘Problems of Scientific Explanation in Geography’, Canadian[...]Duffy, P., Yapp, G. and McAlpine, J. 1969, Lands of the Queanbeyan-Shoalhaven Area, ACT. and NS. W.,[...], Melbourne. Gunn, S. 1988, ‘The “failure” of the Victorian Middle Class: a critique,’ in Wolff, J. and Seed, J. 1988, The Culture of Capital; art, power and the nineteenth century middle class, Manchester University Press, pp.17-43. Haggett, P. 1965, Locational An[...]d, London. Hall, C. 1979, ‘The early formation of Victorian Domestic Ideology’, in Burman, S. 197[...]Hancock, W. 1972, Discovering Monaro.‘ A Study of Man's Impact on his Environment, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hanson, W. 1889, The Pastoral Possessions of New South Wales, Gibbs, Shallard & Co., Sydney.[...]York. Harrison, R. and Clifford, E. 1987, Atlas of New South Wales, Central Mapping Authority of NSW, Sydney. Hartshome, R. 1961, The Nature of Geography: A critical survey of current thought in the light of the past, The Association of American Geographers. Hartwell, R. M. 1954, The Economic development of van Diemen's Land 1820-1850, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Hartwell, R. M. 1973, ‘A revolution in the character and density of British wool’, in Harte, N. and Ponting, K. 1973, Textile history and Economic history: Essays in honour of Miss Julia de Lacy Mann, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp.320-338. |
| 336 Harvey, D. 1967, ‘Models of the Evolution of Spatial Patterns in Human Geography’, in Chorle[...], London, pp.549—608. Heathcote, R. 1965, Back of Bourke: A Study of Land Appraisal and Settlement in Semi—Arid Australia, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Henderson, G. 1981, Geology of Canberra, Queanbeyan, and environs: Notes to acco[...]ham, E. 1993, ‘The 1828 census and the analysis of rural settlement in New South Wales”, Australas[...]mic Prehistory: Studies by Members and Associates of the British Academy Major Research Project in the Early History of Agriculture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.27-36. Hirst, J. 1987, Conv[...]1979, Spatial Analysis in Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hodder, I. 1987 “Converging[...]kwell Ltd., Oxford. Hoskins, W. 1988, The Making of the English Landscape, Hodder and Stoughton Ltd., London. Houghton, W. 1957, The Victorian Frame of Mind 1830-1870, Yale University Press, New Haven. Ingerson, A. 1994, ‘Tracking[...]ultural knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp.43-66. Ing[...]Sir John’, in Searle, G. Australian Dictionary of Biography (1851-1890), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Jackson, P. 1989, Maps of Meaning, Routledge, London. James, G. 1942, A Homestead History being the reminiscences and letters of Alfred Joyce of Plaistow and Norwood Port Phillip 1834-186[...] |
| [...]in chorography in southern New England’, Annals of the Association of A merican Geographers, 192:67-109. James, P. E. and Martin, G. 1981, All Possible Worlds: A history of geographical ideas, John Wiley & Sons, New York.[...]1-66. Jeans, D. N. 1972, An Historical Geography of New South Wales to 1901, Reed Education, Sydney. Jeans, D. N. 1975, ‘The Impress of Central Authority upon the Landscape: South-easte[...]alian Time: Geographical perspective ’s, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, pp.l-17. Jeans, D. N. 1984, Au[...]1980 The Open Air Museum: The Cultural Landscape of New South Wales, George Allen Unwin, Sydney. Jervis, J. 1956, ‘The Exploration and Settlement of the Western Plains, Part 1’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 421 :1-15. Jervis, J. 1956, ‘The Exploration and Settlement of the Western Plains, Part 2’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 422:67—86. Johnstone, M. and Masman, K. 1983, The History of Carinda, as it was and is now, Privately Printed. Karr, C. 1974, ‘Mythology vrs Reality: The Success of Free Selection in New South Wales’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 603: 199[...]997, The Rocks. Lifle in early Sydney, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Keller, J. and Keller, G. 1987[...]National Register Bulletin No. 18, US. Department of the Interior, Washington, DC. Kellett, J. 1981, Hydrological investigations of two basins at Lanyon, ACT, Bureau of Mineral Resources, Geology and Geophysics Record [981/61, Bureau of Mineral Resources, Canberra. |
| [...]Earth Patterns: Essays in Landscape Archaeology, University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville. Ker, J. 1960, ‘Merchants and Merinos’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 464:206-[...]thur family and the Pastoral Industry’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 473:131-[...]hives and History, 2:18-54. Kiddie, M. 1962, Men of Yesterday: a social history of the Western District of Victoria 1834-1890, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Kniffen, F. 1962, ‘Louisiana[...]ll, M. 1962, Readings in Cultural Geography, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp. 1 57-169. Kniffen, F[...], pp.23 7-250. Kobayashi, A. 1989, ‘A critique of dialectical landscape’, in Kobayashi, A. and M[...]992, Meaning and Geography: The Social Conception of the Region in Northern Greece, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. Lake, M. 1987, The Limits of Hope: Soldier settlement in Victoria 1915-38, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Lane, T. and Serle, J. 1990, Australians at Home: A Documentary History of A ustralian Domestic Interiors from 1788 to 1914, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Langford-Smith, T. 1968[...] |
| [...]onservation Analysis, policy and plan, Department of Territories, Canberra. Leighly, J. 1963, Land and Life: A selection from the writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer, University ofof Maryland’, in Kent, S. 1987, Method and Theory for activity area research, Columbia University Press, New York, pp.604-633. Leone, M. P. 1988, ‘The Georgian order as the Order of Mercantile Capitalism in Annapolis, Maryland’, in Leone, M. and Potter, P. 1988, The Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern Un[...]Earth Patterns: Essays in Landscape Archaeology, University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, pp.153-167. Leone, M. P. Hurry, S. 1998, ‘Seeing: The Power of Town Planning in the Chesapeake’, Historical Ar[...]Scene’, in Meinig, D. 1979, The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp] 1-32. Lewis, P. 1983, ‘Le[...]. 1991, Taming the Great Southern Land: A History of the conquest of nature in Australia, Allen and Unwin, Sydney. Li[...]. A. 1874, Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law: Third Progress Report and Minutes of Evidence,V & P L.A. 1873-74, Vol 3, Govern[...] |
| 340 Llobera, M. 1966, ‘Exploring the topography of the mind: GIS, social space and archaeology’, A[...]nt Factions and Parties: The first thirty years of responsible Government in New South Wales, 1856-1889, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Ludwig, J. and Tongway, D. 199[...]Collingwood. Lukerrnann, F. 1989, ‘The Nature of Geography: Post Hoc, Ergo Propter Hoc’, in Entr[...]Reflections on Richard Hartshorne’s The Nature of Geography, Occasional publications of the Association of American Geographers, Association of American Geographers, Washington, pp.53-68. Lunt, ID. 1991 ‘Management of remnant lowland grasslands and grassy woodlands f[...]Brien, M. and Dunnell, R. 1997, The Rise and Fall of Cultural History, Plenum Press, New York. Mangan[...]1962, ‘Pastoralists in the Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, 1870-1890’, in Barnard, A. 196[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.577-591. Martin, G. 1989, ‘The Nature of Geography and the Schaefer-Hartshome Debate’, i[...]Reflections on Richard Hartshorne’s The Nature of Geography, Occasional publications of the Association of American Geographers, Association of American Geographers, Washington, pp.69-90. Mason, P. 1982, The English Gentleman: The Rise and Fall of an Ideal, Andre Deutsch, London. Massay,[...] |
| McAlpine, J. and Yapp, G. 1969, ‘Climate of the Queanbeyan-Shoalhaven area’, in Gunn. R., S[...]Duffy, P., Yapp, G. and McAlpine, J. 1969, Lands of the Queanbeyan-Shoalhaven Area, ACT. and NSW, C.S[...]essays on geographic change in honour and memory of Andrew Hill Clark, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, pp.3-26. Meinig, D. 1979, The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York. Meinig, D. 1979, ‘Introduction’, in Meinig, D. 1979, The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.1-7. Meinig, D. 1979, ‘The Beholding Eye: Ten versions of the same scene’, in Meinig, D. 1979, The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.33-48. Meinig, D. 1979, ‘Reading the Landscape: An appreciation of W.G. Hoskins and J .3. Jackson’, in Meinig, D. 1979, The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.195-244. Melnick, R. 1984, C[...]raphic perspective’s in Anthropology’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 573:617-634. |
| Mikesell, M. 1976, ‘The Rise and Decline of “Sequent Occupance”, a chapter in the History of American Geography’, in Lowenthal, D. and Bowen, M. 1976, Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosphy in honour of John Kirtland Wright, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.149-169. Mikesell, M. 1994,[...]nd Smith, J. 1994, Re-reading Cultural Geography, University of Texas Press, Austin, pp.437-444. Milliss R. 1994, Waterloo Creek: the Australia Day massacre of1838, George Gipps and the British conquest of New South Wales, University ofof the idea of culture in geography’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 20: 102-1 16. Moms, A. and Ranken, G. 1883, ‘Report of Inquiry into the State of the Public Lands and the operation of the Land Laws’, Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly, 1883 (2)277-248. Morris, C. 1995, ‘The information exchange, the role of Loudon and others’ in ms. 1995, From Wilderness[...]p. 14-21. Moore, B. 1982, Lanyon Saga: A history of the Cunningham family and the Lanyon, Tuggeranong[...]anberra. Murray, T. 1988, ‘Beyond the ramparts of the Unknown: The Historical Archaeology of the Van Diemen's Company’, in Birmingham, J., B[...]891)’, in Searle, G. (ed.)Australian Dictionary of Biography Vol 6, (1851-1890), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.38-46. National Climatic Ce[...], Year Book - Australia, No 71, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra. |
| [...]er Vertag, New York. Newman, C. 1961, The Spirit of Wharf House: Campbell enterprise fiom Calcutta t[...]2, El Nino: Historical and Paleoclimatic aspects of the Southern Oscillation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 1 5 1-173. Norton, B. 1971, ‘Grasslands of the New England Tableland in the nineteenth centu[...]5:1-13. Orser, C. 1996, A Historical Archaeology of the Modern World, Plenum Press, New York. O'Shan[...]. A. 1874, Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law: Third Progress Report and Minutes of Evidence, V & P L.A. 1873-74, Vol 3, Government P[...]pp.16-22. Park, G. 1995, Nga Uruora (the graves of life): Ecology and history in a New Zealand landscape, Victoria University Press, Wellington. Pearson, M. 1994, ‘The Excavation of the Mount Wood Woolscour, Tibooburra, New South W[...]y in the Port Phillip Region 1835-1880, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Peel, L. 1996, The Henty Journals: A Record of Farming, Whaling and Shipping in Portland Bay, 18[...], T. 1963, Australia's First Frontier: The spread of settlement in New South Wales 1788-1829, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Powell, J. 1967, ‘The[...] |
| 344 Powell, J. 1970, The Public Lands of A ustralia Felix; Settlement and land Appraisal i[...]h special reference to the Western plains, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Powell, J. 1973, Yeomen and Bu[...]Victorian Crown Lands Commission 1878- 79, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Powell, J. 1974, ‘The Squatting Occupation of Victoria, 1834-60’, in Powell, J. 1974, The Making of Rural Australia: Geographical Readings, Sorrett P[...]Melbourne, pp.25-38. Powell, J. 1974, The Making of Rural Australia: Geographical Readings, Sorrett P[...]ustralian Time: Geographical Perspectives, Oxford Universityof Cultural Geography’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 831 :1-17. Prince, H. 1969[...], H. 1971, ‘ Real, imagined and abstract worlds of the past’, Progress in Geography, 321-86. Prosser, I. 1991, ‘A comparison of past and present episodes of gully erosion at Wangrah Creek, Southern Tablelan[...]n in Headwater Catchments, South-Eastem Highlands of Australia’, Earth Processes and Landforms, 19:4[...]. Pyne, S. J. 1991, Burning Bush: A Fire History of Australia, Holt, New York, |
| Quinn, W. and Neal, V. 1992, ‘The historical record of El Nino events’, in Bradley, R. and Jones, P. 1[...]1996, Making Rural Australia: an economic history of technical and institutional creativity, 1788-1860, Oxford University Press, Australia, Melbourne. Rapoport, A. 1972,[...]e methods, geographical imagination and the study of landscapes’, in Kobayashi, A. and Mackenzie, S.[...]Boston, pp.149-163. Renfrew, C. 1969, ‘Review of “Locational Analysis in Human Geography” by P[...]4-75. Richards, J. 1987, ‘ “Passing the love of women”: manly love and Victorian Society’, in[...]ew York, pp.92-122. Roberts, B. 1996, Landscapes of Settlement: prehistory to the present, Routledge,[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.3-14. Roberts, S. 1968, History of Australian Land Settlement 1 788-1920, Macmillan[...]Squatting Age in Australia 1 835-184 7, Melbourne University Press, [1935] Melbourne. |
| [...]55, Report from the Select Committee on the State of Agriculture with minutes of evidence, Government Printer, Sydney, pp.l 1-16.[...]New South Wales Wheat Frontier, 1851-1911, Dept. of Human Geography, RSPacS, ANU, Canberra. Robson, L. 1985, A history of Tasmania, Vol. 1 Van Diemans Land fiom the earliest times to 1 85 9, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Roe, M. 1965, Quest for Authority in Eastern Australia, 1835-1851, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Rolls, E. 1984, A Million Wild[...]e, I. 1968, ‘Prehistory, Typology and the study of society’, in Chang, K. 1968, Settlement Archaeo[...]ety in Britain, 1 700—1914.“ Essays in honour of F.ML. Thompson, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp.90-118. Russell, J. 1988,[...]cape in the USA, Britain, and Australia: A review of the Literature and Comment on the development of Theory and Conservation Practices, Environmental Studies, Occasional Paper 22, University of Tasmania, Hobart. Russell, N. 1986, Like Engende[...]nimal breeding in early modern England, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Russell, P. 1994, A Wish of Distinction: Colonial Gentility and Femininity, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Ryder, M. 1983, Sheep and Man,[...]London. Sainty, M. and Johnson, K. 1980, Census of New South Wales, November 1828, Library of Australian History, Sydney. Sales, R. 1994, Jane Austen and Representations of Regency England, Routledge, London. |
| 347 Samuels, M. 1979, ‘The biography of landscape: cause and culpability’, in Meinig, D. 1979, The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.51-88. Sauer, C. 1925, ‘The Morphology of Landscape’, University of California Publications in Geography. 22:19-53.[...]Geography’, in Seligman, E. 1931, Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol 6, Macmillan and Co, New[...]963, Land and Life: A selection from the writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer, University of California Press, Berkeley, pp.351-379. Schama,[...]Press, London. Scott, EA. 1927, A Short History of Australia, 5th edition, Oxford University Press, London [1912]. Scarle, G. 1963, The Golden Age: A history of the Colony of Victoria, 1851-1861, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Seddon, G. 1970, Swan River Landscapes, University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands. Seddon, G. 19[...]llen and Unwin, Sydney. Shaw, A. 1996, A History of Port Phillip: Victoria before Separation, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Shaw, A. G. L. 1971, Convicts and the Colonies: A study of Penal Transportation fiom Great Britain and Ireland to Australia and other parts of the British Empire, Faber and Faber, London. Shaw, M. 1969, On Mount Emu Creek: The story of a nineteenth-century Victorian sheep station, Rob[...]ourne. Shaw, M. 1987, Yancannia Creek, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Sigsworth, E. 1988, In Search of Victorian Values: Aspects of Nineteenth-Century thought and society, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Sleeman, J. and Walker, P. 1979, The Soils of the Canberra District, Soils and Land Use[...] |
| 348 Smiles, S. 1908, Self Help, with illustrations of conduct and perseverance, John Murray, London [18[...]e History and Conservative Idealism in the Nature of Geography’, in Entrikin, J. and Brunn, S. 1989, Reflections on Richard Hartshorne's The Nature of Geography, Occasional publications of the Association of American Geographers, Association of American Geographers, Washington, pp.91-120. Smi[...]tralian Cultural Landscape’, Australian Journal of Science, 18: 177-1 84. Spreadborough, R. and And[...]bell 1769-1846: a study in colonial trade, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Stieglitz, K. 1964, Emma von S[...]Western Louisiana Cultural Landscapes’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 47:250—266. Stone, L. and Stone, J. 1984, An open elite? England 1540-1880, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Struve, J. and Parsons, RF. 1977,[...]ics and management effects’, Australian Journal of Ecology 2:467- 476. Stuart, 1. M. 1997, ‘Analy[...]ment 13 (3 & 4) Sullivan, M. 1985, Men and Women of Port Phillip, Hale and Iremonger, Sydney. Taylor, G. 1910, The Physiography of the proposed Federal Territory at Canberra, Commonwealth Bureau of Meteorology, Bulletin No 6, Government Printer, M[...]anyon Historic Rural landscape (ACT). Development of a methos to assess cultural significance and the presentation of conservation management guidelines.4,Case[...] |
| Heritage Values, Masters of Landscape Architecture Thesis, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, pp. 1 -96. Taylor, K. 1987[...]Landscapes: Meanings and Heritage Values, Masters of Landscape Architecture Thesis, University of Melbourne, Melbourne. Taylor, K. and Truscott, M. 1989, ‘Conservation and Interpretation study of the rural Heritage Landscape of the Lanyon-Lambrigg Area, ACT.’, Historic Envir[...], Winston-Gregson, J. and Johnson, K. 1987, Study of the Conservation, presentation and Interpretation of the Rural Heritage Landscape of the Lanyon-Lambrigg Area, Report to the Department of Territories, ACT, Canberra. Thompson, E. P. 1978, The poverty of theory, & other essays, Merlin Press, London. Th[...]trepreneurs, Essays for Sir John Habakkuk, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp.139-170. Tilley, C. 1989, ‘E[...]ty, 63:275-280. Tilley, C. 1994, A Phenomenology of Landscape, Places, Paths and Monuments, Berg Publ[...]1971, ‘Geography, Phenomenology, and the study of Human nature’, Canadian Geographer, 153:181-192[...]in relation to erosional history in the vicinity of Canberra, CSIRO Soil Publications No. 13, Austra[...]ng Service, Canberra. Vance, N. 1985, The sinews of the spirit: The ideal of Christian manliness in Victorian literature and religious thought, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Vickery, A. 1993, ‘Golden Age to Separate Spheres? a review of the categories and chronology of English Women's history’, The Historical[...] |
| [...], ‘Prehistoric Economy in the Mount Carmel area of Palestine: Site Catchment Analysis’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, 3621-37. Wagner, P. and Mikesell, M. 1962, Readings in Cultural Geography, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Wagstaff, J. 1987, Lands[...]on. Walker, P. 1978, Soil-Landscape Associations of the Canberra Area, Division of Soils Report No. 29, C.S.I.R.O., Canberra. Walke[...]. Walker, R. B. 1966, Old New England: A history of the northern tablelands of New South Wales, 1818-1900, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Walvin, J. 1987, Victorian values[...]carthur Colonial Conservative 1798-1 86 7, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Ward, R. 1966, The Australian Legend, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Watson, J. 1957, ‘The Sociological Aspects of Geography’, in Taylor, G. 1957, Geography in the Twentieth Century: A study of growth, fields, techniques, aims and trends, Phi[...]s Study, Unpublished report to the National Trust of Australia (Victoria). Whittlesey, D. 1929, ‘Sequent occupance’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 193: 162-165. Willey, G. 1[...]tlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru, Bureau of American ethnology, Bulletin 155, Smithson[...] |
| [...]ass., pp. 149-176. Williams, M. 1974, The Making of the South Australian Landscape, London. Williams, M. 1983, ‘ “The apple of my eye”: Carl Sauer and historical geography’, Journal of Historical Geography, 91 21-28. Williams, M. 1989, ‘Historical Geography and the concept of landscape’, Journal of Historical Geography, 1 51 192-104. Williams, 0.[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.4l 1-434. Willingham, A. 1984, ‘Early European Settlement of the Plains: Architectural Traditions in Western V[...]Natural and Social History, Australian Institute of Agricultural Science, Melbourne, pp.63-90. Wilson, G. 1968, Murray of Yarralumla, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Winston-Gregson, J. 1979a, Lan[...]ogical Field Survey, Unpublished Report the Dept. of Territories, Canberra. Winston-Gregson, J. 1987,[...]J. 1994, ‘People in the Landscape: A Biography of Two Villages’, Australian Historical Arc[...] |
| [...]ultural knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp. 1 7—41.[...]d the Public interest in Victoria 1836-84, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Woodhouse, M. 1993, ‘Elements of a Pastoral Landscape: Holovviliena, South Austral[...]d Interpreting the American Historical Landscape, University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Yarrwood, A. 1977, Samuel Marsden: the Great Survivor, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Young, LE. 1997, The Struggle for Class: The transmission of genteel culture to early colonial Australia. Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, Flinders University MANUSCRIPT SOURCES This thesis contains a large number of references to archival sources, notably the Cond[...]general series is cited below. National Library of Australia George de Salis Diaries and notebooks[...]epasturing Licences. Colonial Secretary, Register of Applications from individuals for Depasturing Lic[...]yan —Sydney State Records X950 Reel 2223 Bench of Magistrates: Deposition Book, Queanbeyan Bench, L[...]nch, Correspondence Files Lands Department - Head Office, Conditional Purchase Registers |
| [...]urveyor General, Letters Received. Supreme Court of NSW: Bankruptcy File: packet 858 (Wright). Count[...]were lithographed and published. The lithographs of the current editions of County and Parish Maps available for sale at the[...]ervation and Lands Management). Current editions of lithographs of each Parish or County were placed into use in the various Lands Department Offices. Changes were marked up on the plans, which[...]by the Lands Department for record purposed. Most of the charting copies of the County and Parish plans are held in State Records. During the course of this, project State Records and the former Lands Department began to copy the plans with the aim of producing a CD or Internet site of plans. Plans of the County of Cowley, and the Parishes of Boorombah, Congwarra, Coolemon, Cuppacumbalong, G[...]State Records were used in this thesis. The plans of the Parish of Naas was located in the Goulbum Office of CALM who kindly allowed me to make copies[...] |
| INTRODUCTION The Appendix is the first part of the review of the cultural landscape idea. It covers the emergence of the concept and its use in the area of historical or cultural geography. It has been included in the thesis more for the sake of completeness so that the concepts discussed in Ch[...]life randomly but are seen to have a deep history of their own. It is also necessary to emphasise that this review focuses on the use of the cultural landscape concept by geography, as t[...]found the concept. However, there are other users of the concept notably in the area of landscape architecture, urban design and in art history, which should be acknowledged again for the sake of completeness. This review does not aim for a total coverage of the concept of cultural landscapes, which would be a thesis in i[...]he earliest reference to landscape is in the Book of Psalms (48.2) as the Hebrew “nofi” which has the connotation of English “scenery”. An alternative reading however, sees the word as part of a description of a landscape rather than being a word meaning landscape.l The actual life history of the word and its varying meanings can be traced t[...]andscape as scenery or more particularly an image of scenery in a painting and landscape as an area of land (which could also be argued is scenery excep[...]ery. The second definition, landscape as an area of land, entered the language around 1860 and was taken up by geographers and turned into the concept of the cultural landscape.2 Background on the history of geography At the outset something of the history of geography needs to be explained in order to put the development of cultural landscapes into context. The formal discipline of geography began to form along with the discipline of history in the Nineteenth Century (Conzen 1993:3)[...]ates at least, Conzen has identified two strands of geography that relate to history. The first is the study of the geographic influences and/or background to history. The second is the history of exploration and history (Conzen 1993111). A third strand is noted in European geography, that of the geographic description of colonies which inevitably discussed their history[...]was widening as a discipline with the development of physical geography. This resulted into a two-streamed discipline, one ' By Dr Trevor Evans of the Classics Department, University of Sydney. 2 The Oxford English Dictionary notes the[...]restingly cites Sauer’s usage in his Morphology of Landscape article |
| [...]e other with cultural geography. At the beginning of the Twentieth Century, the United States geograph[...]orical geographic approach. He defined two forms of landscape: the Urlandschaft or landscape that exi[...]ndscape created by human culture. The major task of geography was to trace the changes in these two landscapes. In contrast to Hettner's view of geography as being distinguished by its method of studying spatial variations in regions and places[...]d Martin 19812177), Schluter looked to the impact of humans on the natural environment rather than determination of human activities by the natural environment. The[...]and based firmly on the fixed and movable forms of the landscape, ignoring non-material aspects, su[...]n with environmental (or geographic) determinants of history. Historians had also made their own link with geography through the well-known work of Frederick Jackson Turner on frontiers. Turner was[...]phic data such as maps but also the whole concept of frontiers was essentially geographic in nature. Conzen’s review of historical geography suggests that by the mid-192[...]environmental determinism. “The first quarter of the twentieth century had witnessed Promethean battles over the scope and orientation of American geography, in which the historical perspective had played a critical role and produced a literature of brash generalisation balanced precariously upon f[...]t Carl Sauer produced his paper on the Morphologz of the Landscape in which the concept of cultural landscape was introduced. Carl Sauer, who had been educated in Germany, was based at the University of California at Berkeley. Sauer's paper " Th[...] |
| [...]concerned with cultural landscapes. "Every field of knowledge is -' characterised by its declared preoccupation with a certain group of phenomena” (Sauer 1925:20). Geography was assigned the study of areal knowledge or landscapes or chorology (19251[...]ly there but are either associated or independent of each other”. Sauer saw that the geographer’s[...]ction between phenomena (1925:22). Thus "the task of geography is conceived as the establishment of a critical system which embraces the phenomenology of landscape, in order to grasp in all of its meaning and colour the varied terrestrial scene" (Sauer 1925:25). The concept of cultural landscape was only generally defined as part of Sauer's overall concept of landscape. Landscape was not a scene (as in a photograph or view) but a series of scenes. It was an area of distinct associations of forms, both physical and cultural (1925:26). The cultural landscape was both the physical forms of significance to humans (such as minerals) and the cultural forms of human use of the area (such as mining). A cultural landscape's morphology was all the works of humanity that characterise the landscape which Sa[...]al relations (1925:36), thus Sauer’s conception of cultural landscape has a historical component to[...]on Cultural Geography (1931) Sauer made the role of cultural landscapes more explicit. Sauer saw a parallel between the aims and methods of physical geography and cultural geography. Cultural forms (such as habitations, fields, lines of communications etc) were seen as having parallels with physical forms (soils, gully erosion etc). The study of both was to be concerned with the question of origins and transformations as in geomorphology ([...]h Sauer was familiar) parallels the physical area of the geomorphologist. A cultural area consists “only of the expressions of man’s tenure of the land, the cultural assemblage which records the full measure of man’s utilisation of the surface” (Sauer 1931:33). The aim for cultural geography was to understand the development of the cultural area, which necessitates understandi[...]as based on morphology; "the massing and ordering of phenomena as forms that are integrated into structures and the comparative study of data thus organised constitute the morphologic method of synthesis, a special empirical method" (1925230).[...]apply the morphological approach and is critical of these for being too narrow in scope (1925:32). Sa[...]and cultural landscapes looking to define a body of morphologic facts in each sphere. However[...] |
| 358 cultural landscapes, Sauer admitted to a lack of such facts citing only forms such as population,[...]ves but were to be found in the sister discipline of anthropology (1941:356-357). Sauer had by that ti[...]which Sauer was influenced by Krober is a matter of debate (see below). Sauer’s approach to the question of historical development is through his morphologic[...]e placed in a sequential development on the basis of inductive reasoning that allows the sequence of development, from incipient form to final form to be discovered. (1925:30-31). In terms of the cultural landscape Sauer saw these forms as being things like housing (including the type of structures and their grouping) forms of production such as farms, forests, mines and so o[...]re derived by a culture group fashioning them out of the natural landscape, “culture is the agent, t[...]l landscape, from which supplies the material out of which the cultural landscape is formed, remained in Sauer’s view constant. Of the geographies Sauer envisaged regional geograph[...]that suggest explanation rather than descriptions of culture change. In Sauer’s adoption of the Kroeber derived concept of culture he also adopted the framework for the explanation of culture change: “Clearly Sauer shared Kroeber’s emphasis on patterns of culture and on its essentially acquired, transmit[...](see Lyman et al 1997). Reactions to Sauer One of the most influential English geographical texts of this era was Richard Hartshome's "The Nature of Geography". First published in the Annals of the Association of American Geographers in 1939, it was reproduced a[...]). As Smith notes "Richard Hartshome's The Nature of Geography was embraced almost as a holy text by o[...]e examined, then current, issues about the nature of geography in light of what had been written about them by past (mostly[...]ailed, scholarly, although highly critical, study of some aspects of geography. Central to Hartshome's project was an inward looking view that the question of nature of |
| [...]geographers had written in the past. Smith writes of this approach and its wide acceptance, as committ[...]art and intruders kept at bay by a perimeter wall of conceptual distinctions (Smith 1989292). Inevitably Hartshome’s views clashed with those of Sauer’s. Sauer's understanding of landscape (as well as Sauer's approach to histori[...]the issue by a detailed discussion on the concept ofof the term or more recent uses of the term by US geographers (ie Sauer and his stud[...]ifficulty stemmed apparently from the German use of the word "landschaft" to mean both the appearance of the land as we perceive it and a modified piece of land (Hartshome 1961 : 1 50). The German geograp[...]ning an indefinite relationship with the concept of the perceptible landscape was required to precisely define the objects of geographic study. Consequently geographers defined the word according to their view of what geography should study.3 Thus while landscape is an area of some sort, what is included in the area will vary[...]tshome 1961:158-159). Sauer is considered guilty of the same problem, as the precise definition of landscape in the "Morphology of Landscape" was not made clear. Hartshome argued t[...](1961:155). This to Hartshome undermined the use of the concept on the grounds that to use landscape[...]any case landscape cannot escape the connotations of the popular definition as being some form of view (1961:159- 160). This is hardly convincing a[...]ture or history). Nor is Hartshome's definition of landscape as “a continuous surface of an area’7 (19612163) better than Sauer's. Harts[...]logy that obviously influences the ultimate form of the landscape? Hartshome would do so and even would exclude underground workings of a mine (below the surface) and include open cut mines (on the surface) all in the name of precise definition (19611164). Hartshome’s ultimate purpose in forcing this definition of landscape is ultimately to dismiss Sauer’s call for geography to be seen as the study of landscapes. 3 While Hartshome sees this a[...] |
| [...]and considered that Sauer sees them as being part of an overall landscape. But from my reading of Sauer's "Morphology" it seems to me that Sauer wa[...]) with the natural landscape excluding the impact of humans. Secondly, within the cultural landscape,[...]tural landscape mean simply the present landscape of any inhabited region" (1961:170). Sauer is an exc[...]torical perspective. For it is the transformation of the natural by culture that creates cultural landscape and it is this notion of change that interests Sauer (1926:45-46). This "assassination of the landscape" by Hartshome was successful "in convincing succeeding generations of English language geographers that the notion of landscape has little or no value as a technical t[...]r things to do with his life. The "assassination of landscape" by Hartshome was equally matched by his cliophobia (fear of history), which Sauer later labelled the “great[...]ly about the need to understand the "place facts" of a landscape in terms of their time relations as well as their spatial rel[...]ther than geography.4 Hartshome saw the question of the role of geography and history as one of the three major problems facing the geography of his time (19612175). The problem was the apparent easy overlapping of disciplinary boundaries between history and geography. Hartshome was concerned about the use of history to explain features in the current landsc[...]er. The first was that given the essential point of geography was spatial relationships, consideration of time was a secondary task. The second viewpoint was that as geographers are concerned with the 4 Of course the study of past geographies which may or may not have any as[...]ast to move well away from Hartshome's conception of geography yet he champions it. Maybe he j[...] |
| [...], time is paramount in providing an understanding of this (1961:176). The latter view is ascribed to[...]studying change on the grounds that it moves out of the technical competence of geography into history or anthropology (1961:178-179). But of course, if geography is concerned with humans, in[...]and time, then is not competence in history part of a geographers training? Crowe, in particular, arg[...]to try and divorce time from space in the theatre of human affairs" (19383). Hartshome was also conce[...]at there "is no logical necessity for the student of a region to examine each of the various stages of development of the area" (1961 : 182). This a seriously flawed[...]other critics came in a speech given as President of the Association of American Geographers in 1940 and published as Forward to Historical Geography (1941). Noting of geographers “we can hardly claim to be getting[...]dentified a retreat from the board spectrum view of geography to a view that geography was a small core of things untouched (or unwanted) by other disciplin[...]not the competence, originality or significance of research... but the admissibility of work because it may or may not satisfy a narrow definition of geography” (1941:355). Sauer then went on to outline a broad program for the field of historical geography based on the anthropological concept of culture. However as Williams has noted Sauer’s[...]nd develop his interdisciplinary work in the area of the origins of agriculture (Williams 1983). Sauer then saw the[...]ndscape as an areal phenomena containing a series of landscape forms (both natural and cultural) that are associated in both space and time. The study of a cultural landscape was to be undertaken through the development of morphologic facts and forms, and the evaluation of these facts in space and time. Sauer saw that the understanding of the cultural landscape was derived from studying the change from the natural landscape and the introduction of cultural forms (1925:37). Due to Sauer’s long association with the University of California at Berkeley (be supervised over 40 Ph.[...]gamation has been recently questioned by a number of geographers (especially, Price and Lewis |
| [...]ed a cultural geographer (1994:441)! Irrespective of Sauer’s personal position there was however a definite group of scholars inspired by Sauer’s work if not exactly following his example or being one of his students. At the same time there was a separate camp of geographers who where suspicious of Sauer’s work (see Butlin 1994; Conzen 1994). I[...]ley, New England (1929). Setting himself the task of describing and interpreting landscapes, James beg[...]oinciding in an area with a definite combination of the elements of a site (landform, soils and so on). This is very[...]this definition is in a sense taking snap shots of a static landscape. For while he is aware of the historical elements in a landscape and the ch[...]ern to another, he treats the historical elements of the landscape as a static not dynamic element. Thus his descriptions of landscape formations do not consider the process of change in them. Derwent Whittlesey's concept of sequent occupancy was a rare example of a specifically time related concept in human geo[...]lesey 1929). Whittlesey argued for a dynamic view of human occupancy of an area arguing that each period of human occupation carried with it the seed of its own transformation. Whittlesey was heading al[...]upancy seems to be in the same mode as the theory of vegetative succession and climax. As Mikesell puts it sequent occupance was similar to the concept of the ideal erosion cycle popular with geographers[...]cept could also be used to present cross sections of landscapes at each stage of development. “Geographers could subordinate the[...]ter graduation he was employed at Louisiana State University where he began research using Sauer’s methods.[...]nacular house types in Louisiana and a generation of students followed him (see Kniffen 1962, 1[...] |
| [...]apping but an attempt to get an "areal expression of ideas regarding housing" as a basis for understanding the geographic expression of culture (1962:169). Conzen notes the importance of Kniffen and the “Louisiana Landscape school” he spawned, in the study of the morphology of landscape focusing on individual items of material culture which were seen as culture traits material expressions of culture across the landscape (Conzen 1994:47-50).[...]ulture as a whole and this was a common criticism of the work produced. While on the subject of Kniffen a word must be said about Henry Glassie. Glassie was a student of Fred Kniffen and shared his interest in vernacula[...]Virginia (1975) is probably the most influential of his works on architecture particularly for the ar[...]ty.5 Glassie described this study as “the study of the architecture of past thought” (19752vii). Glassie’s study was interesting both for its use of structuralism as a method of analysis, although his analytical methods were rarely repeated, and for his demonstration that a study of material culture could get away from the particularism of typology to reach in some way the underlying framework of past life. Glassie’s approach clearly circumvented the critique that geographical studies of the Kniffen school were an “obsessional interest in the physical or material elements of culture rather than in its more obviously social dimensions" (Jackson 1989:] 9). Andrew Clark was a student of Sauer who later developed his own particular appr[...]cape. Clark's historical geography " The Invasion of New Zealand by People, Plants and Animals" (based on his doctoral research) is a fascinating account of the history and geography of the South Island of New Zealand,6 fails to use the concept of cultural landscapes. Yet at times Clark comes close to discussing a form of cultural landscape when he considers the origin of the "Englishness" of the landscape. “The South Island was, in its cu[...]n the eighteen-nineties, very much the ‘Britain of the South’” (19492384). But while these features are described and the origin of many features ascribed to various economic, cultu[...]I think Clark really saw the Britishness as a set of things brought to New Zealand rather than perhaps[...]rk’s doctoral work he embarked on a long series of studies in Canadian geography (Clark being a Cana[...]areer Meinig noted that although the The Invasion of New Zealand had basically applied the “Berkeley genetic 5 Glassie has of course produced many other works on folklore most of which repay investigation. Curiously Glassie’s[...]d in the geographic world. In all the discussions of landscape as text by the “new cultural geograph[...]Phillip in 1791! This mistake is notable in view of his latter comments on education for histo[...] |
| [...]y Inventory and Prospect. Although nominally head of a committee, (Hartshome apparently advised Clark[...]al geography as "the study the past circumstances of, or of changes in the phenomena of concern to geography" (1954173). Later he makes e[...]ross section approach was basically a description of a society and landscape at a particular point in[...]ral processes and landscapes (1954:85). The fear of history seems to have infected Clark who argues f[...]historical geographers in "the physical branches of geography"; "anthropology and archaeology", "reading the records of the past" and the "history of geography" but not in the theory and methods of history itself (1954:93-95).7 It is this wariness of history (and suspicion of anyone too close to it) that H.C. Darby noted when discussing American historical geography and the work of James (1929) and Whittlesey (1929) on understandi[...]might easily lead to a full-scale reconstruction of some past geography”. According to one's point of view, one might regard that as falling down the s[...]ts (Darby 1954:651). The most explicit statement of what became characterised as the “Berkeley scho[...]ural” geography was defined as the application of the idea of culture to geographic problems (Wagner and Mikesell 1962). The main focus of cultural geography seemed to be the distribution of culture traits and the definition of cultural areas in time (Wagner and Mikesell 19625[...]ndscape was defined as ‘the geographic content of a determined area or geographic complex of a certain type, in which the choices made and changes worked by members of some cultural community are manifested” (Wagner[...]en as being a concrete and characteristic product of the complicated interplay between a given human community and a particular set of natural 7 However see Earle 1992 for a more positive assessment of Andrew Clark's contribution to "history an[...] |
| [...]ng typical for most geographers, that is plotting of distributions and densities of features, comparisons between regions, charting of movements, zonation and so on. All the geographi[...]Cultural history is seen as addressing four kinds of facts; the origin of cultural features; the routes of their dissemination; the distribution of cultural areas; and the character of former cultural landscapes (Wagner and Mikesell 1962: 1 5). The history of cultural landscapes involves reconstruction and d[...]as studying the processes that link the sequences of events described in the cultural history. These p[...]defined after careful and systematic description of specific cultural landscapes which then proceeds[...]ikesell 1962:19-22). In many ways the weak point of this approach was the geographers use of the term culture (Brookfield 1964), a point reco[...]fic weakness as being in the uncritical adoption of the “superorganic” nature of culture, as propounded by the anthropologist Kroe[...]ley School” and Sauer. The superorganic concept of culture saw culture as an entity above the indivi[...]son acts or is constrained according to the level of culture. Culture is not created by humans or hist[...]uncan 1980:182-184; Jackson 1989218). Explanation of past or current landscapes was seen as being extr[...]ly Denis Cosgrove and Peter Jackson) were accused of “self-serving debunking of traditional cultural geography” by Price and Lewis (19933) who carried out a spirited defence of Sauer and the Berkeley school. They argued that Duncan’s characterisation of Kroeber’s work was inaccurate and that the conc[...]auer and held only by a “minority contingent” of the Berkeley School (Price and Lewis 199329-11). Irrespective of the rights and wrongs of the situation Price and Lewis do admit that the concept of culture is poorly developed in the older forms of Berkeley geography (199319, 11). Despite Price and Lewis’s defence and the apparent modification of their views by Wagner (1994) and Mikesell (1967)[...]tural geography approach is the conceptualisation of culture which leads to a lack of explanatory power in their arguments. 9 W[...] |
| BRITISH DEVELOPMENTS Patrick Bryan in "Man’s adaptation of Nature: Studies of the Cultural Landscape " ( 1932) attempted to formulate a scientific geography based on the concept of human relationships with the physical environment (19332v, 10-11). The physical form of this relationship is the cultural landscape. This approach is not unlike the objectives of Sauer (who is not cited) and Bryan's work seems t[...]lined in his Morphology paper. The physical form of the relationship between humans and the environme[...]dified by humans); "is the objective expression of the relationship between human activities and nat[...]ories. It possesses movable forms as in the cases of men and vehicles. It has activity expressed in the operations of seeding and harvesting, manufacturing processes and the movement of vehicles. Lastly, it has the results of these activities in the forms of crops, manufactured products, the transportation of goods and people, the production of health, good government and amusement" (Bryan 195[...]rpinning the cultural landscape is Byran’s view of culture as based on the satisfaction of a series of basic human needs and desires. These cause humans[...]ction on the natural environment and the response of the natural environment in return creates the cul[...]namic and are transformed over time as the nature of human activity changes (1933:60-62). The thrust of Bryan’s book is not to question these assumptions or to justify the nature of the cultural landscape as an "objective expression" but to develop approaches to the analysis of the cultural landscape. Overall Bryan's study reads as a mechanistic approach to the dynamics of human life for example "the village of Helidon in Northamptonshire may be described in terms of the cultural landscape as the concrete or objective expression of man's adaptation of nature in an effect to satisfy the desire for she[...]7). "Man" in particular seems a very static part of Bryan's world apart from basic desires. There is nothing of humans in this analysis. This point is well made[...]things. "The human factor is more than the works of man. It includes ideologies as well as technologi[...]an's work under the heading "Sociological aspects of Geography " which no doubt accounts for the use of the word "ideology" which is notably absen[...] |
| [...]present the cultural landscape as the end result of some natural inevitable process rather than as created by a wide variety of forces. The classification is static but the sub[...]). Crowe points out that this avoids the dynamics of a region and also notes that much of what is significant in understanding the dynamics of a landscape is not open to the eye (1938:11). Dickinson (1939) responded to Crowe’s criticism of the morphological approach with a restatement of the morphological approach to cultural landscapes. He reviewed earlier work particularly that of Schluter, Passarge, Brunhes and Sauer and stated his own views. Cultural landscapes are man's transformation of the natural landscape. Landscape is restricted to the fixed features in the composition of terrestrial areas. The elements of the landscape are areal facts and are to be studi[...]from the other disciplines (1939:5-6). The study of cultural landscapes is concerned with the process of human activity in time and area and therefore Dic[...]The Crowe/Dickinson debate really restated much of what had been written earlier and both authors se[...]nson and went on to argue for the essential unity of the study of space and time and that understanding of the features of a landscape is partially dependent on understanding of "cultural phenomena which are not represented in[...](1939:221). He further notes that the likelihood of relic features occurring in a landscape and argues that as the whole history of a landscape cannot be studied (due to the large scope of the work involved) the fundamental work should be[...]phenomena, and these two classes are not capable of explanation in the same terms, or within the same system. Moreover, neither is capable of explanation of phenomena directly observable in the landscape" ([...]le geomorphic processes can be explained in terms of special physical laws the cultural landscape can be understood only in terms of social processes (1939:222-223). Secondly he argu[...]limitations on geographic study by the exclusion of anything not visible on the landscape. This is because cultural landscapes are part of the broader area of the social conditions of the communities occupying an area (19392223). |
| [...]kins and the English Landscape A separate strand of British landscape studies, more historical geogra[...]graphy, began in the Depression era with the work of the geographer H.C. Darby and is drawn on and con[...]Beresford. They wrote on the origins and nature of past English landscapes at a local and broad leve[...]liams 1989). Darby is known for four main aspects of his work. Firstly, his detailed work on the draining of the English Fens. Secondly, for his work on reconstructing the Doomsday geography of England. Thirdly his editing of the historical geography of England and finally, his writings on history and[...]he saw very much as a humanised one, the concept of cultural landscapes is not really used as an anal[...]anised his writing on landscapes in a combination of two approaches. The first, was the reconstruction of past geographies. Darby undertook this using the[...]the cross section, which involved taking a period of time and examining the geography of the country or region (following the example of Macaulay's notorious third chapter). This method was essentially used in An Historical Geography of England, which Darby conceived and edited. The di[...]3: 644; 1960:147-148). There was also the problem of differential rates of change in landscape elements thus as Darby puts i[...]alternative approach was to concentrate on a part of the landscape and write the narrative history of that theme emphasising change. This approach is really the study of cultural landscapes and their change. Darby's spe[...]d as The Medieval Fenland (1956) and The Draining of the Fens (1974). He also wrote an overview articl[...]through time. Darby recognised that the approach of examining one theme might be criticised on[...] |
| [...]onest mind", was that such studies may stray out of the field of geography. Darby dismissed such criticisms as unn[...]lightly modified in The New Historical Geography of England. In taking this approach Darby followed the example of Jan Broek’s the Santa Clara Valley'2 which combined four cross-sections with three studies of the social and economic forces that led to the c[...]Darby took a very pragmatic approach to the study of the landscape through historical geography realising that a knowledge of history and geography was essential for such a pr[...]us and our past generations will be the prisoners of their own cultural and intellectual world” (198[...]little concern about straying into the territory of geography or using archaeological evidence. In 1955 Hoskins’ classic Making of the English Landscape was published. In it Hoskin[...]ain “the manner in which the various landscapes of this country came to assume the shape and appeara[...]a symphony that can be enjoyed purely as a piece of music or in depth once the underlying structure a[...]ook is, then, an attempt to study the development of the English landscape much as though it were a piece of music, or a series of compositions of varying magnitude, in order that we may understan[...]s’ ability to involve the reader in the process of discovery of this logic that really makes an impact. Constantly we are reminded, by way of detailed interpretation or reading, that the past[...]reader to agree with the interpretation and think of other places with similar evidence. Methodologica[...]ysical evidence as well as the documentary. "Some of the best documentary local histories betray not t[...]t sign that the author has looked over the hedges of his chosen place" (l959:3). In practice Hoskins p[...]cumentary as examples. In '2 Brock was a student of Sauer. |
| 370 discussing the Anglo-Saxon field system instead of some ancient texts being cited the reader is presented with an array of photographs and plans that make his point; By ta[...]ten record into what he clearly saw as a new form of history which incorporated physical evidence foun[...]exemplified by Darby’s work as well as studies of culture traits and settlements. Hoskins interest[...]places him in the archaeological sphere as a form of rudimentary historical archaeologist. Historian, archaeologist, geographer. Hoskins displays the skills of all these disciplines and presents a narrative interpretation of how the landscape was made. In so far as Hoskins[...]to Darby as well as the romantic movement. Traces of Hoskin’s nostalgic view of the English rural landscape are seen in works as diverse as Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings, where the English landscape with its s[...]and its sturdy Hobbitary and Awdrey’s depiction of the island of Sodor as a refuge from modern technology. This nostalgic view of the past has recently been criticised by Bender (1993) mainly because of its appropriation by the “Heritage Industry”[...]ymond Williams. Meinig has commented on the lack of impact The Making of the English landscape had initially (1979: 199, 2[...]ious work it is frequently seen as the beginnings of serious consideration of cultural landscapes (e.g. Russell 1988211). This[...]he case, rather Hoskins work marks the beginnings of concern for the conservation and preservation of cultural landscapes. This is because unlike Darby[...]rve cultural landscapes rather than the beginning of cultural landscape studies. Taking a similar lin[...]esford, an economic historian with a similar lack of self-consciousness about wandering into other dis[...]combined documentary research with an examination of landscape and physical evidence. This lead to two notable books Lost villages of England and History on the Ground which with thei[...]in 1961 Beresford particularly emphasised the use of physical evidence to interpret or illustrate the[...]en treated in a similar manner as being the start of some concern for historical landscapes ev[...] |
| [...]s refreshing and his writing lucid, the direction of research is largely one way from the historical d[...]his would have been seen by Beresford as the role of archaeology. With the work of Darby, Hoskins and Beresford there is a clear tradition of the integration of the documentary with the landscape in studying the past. This is seen by all of these writers as natural rather than something th[...]eir published work shows, was more in the writing of good history than in discussing their methodologi[...]he 19605 there were two approaches to the concept of landscape in geography. The cultural geographers,[...]inly American, were oriented towards the approach of Sauer and the analysis of the cultural landscape through the tracing of culture traits although they were split over the use of history with some merely wanting to describe land[...]another landscape. The second approach was that of the British geographers (and local historians) which seems to have been more concerned with methods of data presentation rather than with any theory of history. Their approach to the landscape was to s[...]trating on a cross-section in time or the tracing of a theme (such as draining the fens) through time.[...]e landscape they saw was substantially the result of human activity. The so—called paradigm shift of the “New Geography” occurred in the 19605 and is generally associated with the locational geography of Haggett, Chorley and others (Chorley and Haggett[...]eography" took three new directions; the espousal of a scientific method based on logical positivism,[...]thods and models for analysis and the development of new quantitative methods typically based on the greater access to computers. For the purposes of this review the question is how did the "New Geography" affect the concept of cultural landscapes and related approaches? The answer is complex. Firstly, the idea of landscapes as being cultural did not change. Howe[...]rical geography) and, secondly, the understanding of the meaning and content of cultural landscapes. It should be noted however, that the effects of this revolution were not felt |
| universally through the discipline of geography and many geographers continued undertak[...]tical approach was initially towards the adoption of a positivist approach to science (Gregory 1978).[...]tage in scientific investigation was the testing of theories and generalisations against facts. Baker[...]es, those that Baker mentioned were the keystones of Darby’s approach: cross-sections, vertical them[...]ing based on behavioural approaches. The sub-text of Baker’s article is that the reconstruction of past geographies should be replaced by an explanation of change in historical geography. Hugh Prince’s methodological article Real Imagined and abstract worlds of the past (1971, see also 1969) applied the methods of the new geography to historical geography in an attempt to enlarge the scope of the field. He outlined three main vistas for historical geographic inquiry. The first approach, that of studying the “real” world of past features and events “that actually existed[...]empting to place the information into the context of ideas about the world at the time to recreate pas[...]in a slightly hermeneutic way) the abstract world of models and quantitative relationships is brought[...]n why a particular phenomena occurred. Under each of these topics are sub-topics and under them more topics leading in all to 45 different areas of historical geographic inquiry all relating in som[...]is generally considered however, that the impact of the "New Geography" was much less in the area of historical geography and thus concepts of cultural landscapes than in other areas. Writing[...]aker considered that the changes in other fields of geography had only just begun to be felt in histo[...]the “New Geography” represented a renovation of the previous geography in its tacit allegiance to the methods of the natural sciences and in the role of the scientist (1978:21). Conzen writing with an emphasis on the American geographers noted the introduction of quantitative analysis and model building and a br[...]opposition” but he also noted that the promise of early studies was often not met (1994:66-70). |
| [...]y” did not have a notable effect on the concept of cultural landscapes its main benefit was in firstly killing off the narrow Hartshome view of geography and opened up the field to a new range of ideas. Secondly a whole new suite of techniques were presented for analysing the landscape. Whatever one might think of the “New Geography” these were lasting legacies to the study of the landscape Many cultural landscapes By the e[...]egun to turn leaving behind a flotsam and jetsam of models and theories. In its place emerges a plurality of approaches to landscapes termed “humanistic geo[...]oppose the mechanical and uncritical application of the methods of the natural sciences to human geographic issues ([...]:302-304 for a discussion) and by an exploration of Marxist interpretations particularly through the work of David Harvey (Lagopoulos & Boklund-Lagopoulos 1992). There was also the continuing of the traditional Darby/Hoskins approach as exempli[...]ral landscapes but more with the overall question of the aims of human geography. Their effect however was more in[...]at they resulted in major changes in the practice of geography, which required the approach to, and the concept of, cultural landscapes had to change. Baker in a re[...]ansformed by man rather than upon man as an agent of landscape change, upon artefacts rather than upon[...]processes” (1991:300). Baker viewed the concern of historical geography as being “the process unde[...]ple and place (1991:300-301). It was the merging of period and place that Baker saw as being exemplified in the edited volume of papers The Interpretation of the Ordinary Landscape (Meinig 1979). This collection of papers was aimed at exhibiting the vitality of the topic “landscape” and current thought on[...]context. Meinig in his introduction sets the tone of the articles by defining the field “la[...] |
| [...]ature, although it is an intricate interrningling of physical, biological and cultural features.ls Lan[...]not scenery as scenery is a continuous selection of certain views. Landscape although all around us is not environment as environment is an inherent property of every living thing but landscape is less inclusiv[...]is not place. Meinig argued that this is because of the experiential nature of place, landscape is a continuous surface not a point focus locality or defined area. Landscape is a portion of the earth’s surface, but not identical with reg[...]dy but also argued that landscape study is a form of social history that seeks to understand the routine lives of ordinary people and studied as a history. “Ever[...]al history, methodologically defining the making of the landscape from the past to the present” (19[...]and apply contemporary social theory to the study of landscape. On a more general level in the “Beh[...]; as wealth; as an ideology; as a physical record of the past; as a place and as an aesthetic (197%).[...]and the reader. In the contribution “Biography of the Landscape ”, Samuels’ posed the question[...]t reference to the who behind the image and facts of landscape (1979:52-53). Samuels then traced a history of “the war against the self” and outlines a program for the development of a biography of landscape. He argued against the view that the sciences have shown the limits of the individual’s actions, human choice, free wi[...]ably constrained and would also leave explanation ofof which individuals and groups mould their environm[...](1979263). Seen this way the scientific evidence of limitations on an individual’s action are visib[...]s particularity and partiality.” The biography of the landscape has as its central concept the study of the role of the individual: both key individuals, and thousands of lesser figures, in their context - the '[...] |
| 375 world of the authored landscapes. For Samuels the main met[...]o account for the relationships between the world of imagined landscapes and the world of lived-in landscapes, both require an author but are different products of authorship. This is resolved by examining landscapes of impression (ie the thoughts of people about landscapes which study is related to geosophy, the study of past geographical thought) and landscapes of expression. While Samuel's approach is of great interest the most obvious problem that emer[...]actually does this in practice. The issue is one of identifying key individuals and their role as wel[...]rmation about themselves, not necessarily because of their role in creating the landscape. The result may be a phenomenologically correct version of Samuel Smiles’ Lives of the Engineers. Samuels touches on this point by noting that in some cases a biography of landscape is not always feasible because of a limit of concrete data concerning the millions of authors (1979281). This seems to imply that we ha[...]ion is how one makes a judgement about the weight of the non-key individuals contribution, here some form ofof axioms. Although they may seem somewhat trite, th[...]“read” the landscape and hence the popularity of Lewis’s contribution (1979). What is missing in[...]how one proceeds from the recognition and reading of the cultural landscape to a depth of understanding that is obvious in the writings of the “landscape heroes” Lewis celebrates (ie S[...]etc.). In a more recent article Lewis covers some of the same ground but spends some time reviewing the stage of research on cultural landscapes with little discussion of what a landscape is (1983). In reviewing the works of the humanist school, Cosgrove argues that the met[...]useful, ultimately fail to explain the phenomena of place and landscape as they relate to human consc[...]h are idealist terms and preclude the possibility of understanding the reasons behind things (1978270). Cosgrove argues for a merging of Marxist and humanist approaches, linking concepts of individual and social consciousness linked to the material world (1978:70-71). A similar criticism of humanistic geography was made by Kobayashi who argued that the issue of how to connect the world of individual experience with the realm of social, political and material reality is largely[...]1989) suggestion for utilising Sartre’s concept of dialectical reason as a way of overcoming this problem seems not to have[...] |
| Post-whatever and different readings of the landscape By the mid 19805 Rowntree (1988),[...]n the discourse. “Recent activity on both sides of the Atlantic conveys the notion that a “new”[...]1988) argued that in attempting to infuse a sense of human agency to morphological and land use studies the revitalised concept of the cultural landscape would be useful. Ley, in what could only be considered a heady burst of enthusiasm, argues that Lewis (1985) has reopened the 1ssue of geographic description, and quickly argues for the concept of “thick description” (after Geertz) as a way t[...]s landscapes as being “the active constructions of social groups, with all the flux, dynamism, disc[...]view implies” (1988:99). In discussing the work of Gee1tz, the original thick describer, Ley points to Geertz’s use of the concept of Bali as a theatre state which acts to organise an[...]aluation). Ley considers that the identification of the urban landscape as text would serve a similar purpose for geography (1988:100) and points to a number of recent studies along those lines. In (Re)reading the Landscape (one of the studies referred to by Ley) Duncan and Duncan approach the “riddle of the landscape through the medium of literary theory and social theory” arguing that the answer lies at the intersection of the two where each supplies the deficiencies of the other (1988. 117). Literary theory provides geographers with a way of examining the text-like qualities of landscapes and to see them as transformations of ideologies.l9 Literary theory also provides theories of reading and authorship, which can be used to expl[...]e that literary theory often ignores the question of social organisation, they adopt the notion of textual communities that cluster around a shared reading of a text put forward by Stock in 1983 (as cited by[...]s was a complex reference to the then recent fall of the Berlin wall, the “civil war” in cultural[...]he Leonard Cohen song popular at that time. Cohen of course was a Canadian. '8 Which In fact Lewis ne[...]early reliance on literary theory in his analysis of material culture. Is this because of him not being a geographer or his strong associations with the cultural geography of Kniffen, which Duncan opposed? |
| 377 Thus landscapes are seen as the product of textualised behaviour that defines how they are[...]diating influence shaping behaviour in the image of the text. The Duncan’s illustrate their point with a series of examples of the transformation of text into landscape. There are two types of coexisting transformations. One where the actual[...]A pertinent example they give is the development of the Vancouver suburb Shaughnessy as a focused transformation of Nineteenth Century architectural texts (1988:121-[...]he authors or readers are only vaguely or unaware of the textual basis of the landscape. At Shaughnessy this was seen as a notion of genteel “picturesque country life” within the city (Duncan and Duncan 19881121). The texts of course are seen as ideological documents which support sets of ideas and values about the way society is or shou[...]ed. This is often translated, through the process of naturalisation, into “the way things are” (naturally). Landscape can be seen as the transformation of these ideologies into physical form. The landscape can then be seen as part of this naturalising process as evidence of how society should or must be organised although they do not of necessity act in this way all the time. Interpret[...]and denaturalisation is seen as an important task of the academic. “Because landscapes are one of the most persuasive, taken-for-granted texts about social organisation, denaturalisation is one of the most important tasks we can perform” (Dunca[...]Text (1990) which, apart from its investigations of Kandyan Kingdom, aimed to demonstrate a methodology for the implementation of the ideas expressed earlier (in Duncan and Duncan 1988). Beginning with the by now familiar critique of traditional studies of cultural landscapes as being in essence superfic[...]990:15-17). Landscape as “an ordered assemblage of objects, a text, acts as a signifying system thro[...]. Duncan suggests that to understand this quality of landscape two questions need to be addressed; wha[...]takes place (1990217). There is also the question of textuality and intertextuality. In considering what is signified, Duncan suggests that an examination of local people’s accounts of the nature of landscape through a hermeneutic process is useful. Secondly an examination of outsider’s accounts of the landscape and the discourse between this acco[...]Finally there is the geographers interpretations of the system of signification underlying the landscape (1990: 1 7-19). Duncan defends the outsiders view - that of the academic, as useful in determining unintended, unacknowledged conditions of action but places it in the context of a hermeneutic rather than scientific mode of analysis (1990218). |
| [...]in which signification takes place, the rhetoric of the landscape, Duncan points to two lines of inquiry (while acknowledging that there may be more). The first is the impact of objectification of the landscape. By this I think Duncan means that[...]ery-day the landscape in fact performs a function of masking its history, ideology, role in society and so on (Duncan 1990: 19). One can perhaps think of a wilderness area where its “untouched nature” serves to mask for example the history of Aboriginal occupation and Aboriginal disposition.[...]element in the rhetoric are the tropes (figures of speech) which allow the landscape to act as a sig[...]recurrent narrative structure and gives examples of these drawing on his work in Kandy (Duncan 1990:19- 22). Duncan argues that concepts of textuality and intertexuality are also useful. Textuality concerns the production and interpretation of text. Duncan notes that the memory and interpretation of the past is an important political resource. Inte[...]y to Duncan’s, Cosgrove, in Myth and the Stones of Venice (1982), traces the Venetian myth of Venice in the landscape of the city of Venice. “In the initiatives of Sixteenth Century we may read the myth of Venice in its townscape... Constitutional balance[...]and architecture” (1982:151). This inscription of myth was done through reference to an iconography[...]rated historical legends and humanist conceptions of the ideal organisation of creation” (1982:153) which were part of the Venetian conception of their city. Nineteenth Century English visitors t[...]he Venetian myth and related it to a mythical set of moral and social conditions as a response and critique of the social ills of Victorian England. In this study we see a clear example of the reading and rereading of social and mythological values in the landscape a[...]ic Landscape (1984) is concerned with the concept of landscape and how it is (or was?) created and dev[...]tory Cosgrove focuses on the material foundations of the landscape idea, which he suggests is the theme of the human use of earth. Cosgrove adopts a cultural materialist position that the concept of landscape cannot be discussed outside the context of material practice (19842). In focusing on the history of the cultural production of landscape idea Cosgrove is far from Sauer’s original discussion on cultural landscapes and the sort of studies Sauer envisaged. Yet as Cosgrove wants to ground his discussion in the material practice of landscape he uses the same theme of human use of the earth, the relationships between socie[...] |
| [...]notes the traditional geographer’s definition of landscape as an area of the surface of the earth with a visual and functional arrangement of human and natural phenomena and outlines the method of scientific study, typically though morphology, of landscapes. He notes that this approach involves the “rigorous exclusion of subjectivity in the interest of scientific aims (1984: 16). Landscape however ha[...]in particular Cosgrove focuses on the definition of landscape as “the area subtended to the eye and vision ofof landscape containing both subjective and objectiv[...]y really deal with the objective or surface layer of meanings (1984:17-18). A second ambiguity lies between the personal experience of landscape and the social experience. For an individual viewing a landscape (whether represented in some form of the real world) there is an element of control and response that is personal. However fo[...]vely produced, experienced and maintained as part of a social group. The difficulty in the scientifi[...]in dealing with the insiders experience for use of a rigorous scientific approach risks denying the integrity of the insiders experience (Cosgrove 1984:18-19). The origins of these ambiguities lie in the artistic use of landscape, a concept which was taken over by geographers. In discussing the history of the artistic landscape, Cosgrove points to the discovery of perspective as the origin of realist landscape painting. Perspective was regarded as the truth itself “an objective property of space” (1984:21- 22). It was a way of controlling space and objects directing them back[...]e makes the point repeatedly that the conventions of the landscape painting emerge “as conventions that reinforce ideas of individualism, subjective control over an objective environment and separation of personal experience over a collective historical[...]en incorporated into the geographers construction of landscape. This occurred through the visual foundation of the landscape concept (1984:28-31). A landscapes[...]lies deeply rooted in the artistic landscape way of seeing. The difficulty for scientific approache[...]is that “science demands structured explanation of the forms and events it observes, and the understanding and elucidation of processes” (1984232). Yet the underlying ideology of landscape as a static visual model formally denie[...]ing methodological gymnastics” (such as the use of cross-sections) to attempt explanation or |
| 380 the abandonment of the overview of landscape to concentrate on social process that y[...]is not suitable for investigating all the levels of meaning in the landscape, Cosgrove then comments on the humanistic perspective. It is the affective meaning of landscape that has interested the humanistic geog[...]But ultimately for Cosgrove, despite the insights of the humanist geographers, neither the scientific[...]takes the same theme (and is virtually a synopsis of the book) Cosgrove makes explicit that the morpho[...]h result in patterns but not to any understanding of process. This is because “one of the consistent purposes of landscape painting has been to present an image of order and proportional control, to suppress evidence of tension and conflict between social groups and w[...]phers have adopted the landscape concept as a way of moving beyond scientism, the concept itself share[...]eeds to be investigated. Again however the method of investigation or ways of getting beyond this problem are not put forward. In a major statement of methods, Geography is everywhere, (1989) Cosgrove[...]graphy (1989: 122). Calling for a stronger theory of culture in the “new cultural geography” (1989[...]ngs landscape and culture together in the concept of the symbol. “To understand the expressions written by a culture into its landscape we require a knowledge of the language employed: the symbols and their mean[...]landscape begin with a close and detailed reading of the text (ie the landscape) through “fieldwork[...]does not reject the traditional tools and skills of the geographer and in this is in agreement with S[...]s W.G. Hoskins who also emphasised the importance of field work. 0 Cosgrove noted that such a process[...]ted upon and honestly acknowledged in the writing of our geography” (19892126). However there is als[...]nscious distortion. Geographers use a broad range of evidence and, as Cosgrove notes, each has its str[...]knesses, which require the geographer to be aware of their techniques if the evidence is to be handled proficiently. 2° A description of a fieldwork program is in Cosgrove and Da[...] |
| [...]allow the geographer to get “under the skin” of the landscape and yet wrenching the landscape out of its context of space and time (1989:127). Finally the interpretation of the landscape is re-presented through the geographers language of symbols and words. The final work of Cosgrove to be discussed is his book The Palladia[...]k comes together in a geographical interpretation of a region of northern Italy. Without going into the fascinating detail of Cosgrove’s study we will consider his approach to the issue of landscape. After a brief discussion the failings of the old cultural geography are summarised as a lack of theoretical reflection; its assumption of uniformity within a culture; and a virtual exclus[...]visible material forms. Drawing on a broad range of theoretical literature in the humanities and soci[...]ices are signification. Having accepted the idea of culture as signification then come the questions of interpretation. Cosgrove sees these as involving[...]ic circle that never reaches “the sunlit slopes of absolute scientific truth” (199226). Having le[...]ant and contingent circumstances in which a group of people live their lives and give them meaning”[...]eople are focussed on, “the conflicting nature of cultural signification becomes unavoidably appar[...]not negate the traditional geographic techniques of field and map study but the new orientations, which see landscapes as “signifiers of the culture of those who made them” (1992z8), changes the questions asked of the evidence and indeed the evidence itself. Simi[...]nalysing hydrology Cosgrove comments the concepts of systems theory are directly applicable but when considering the questions of the way humans give meaning to the relations betw[...]the old geographical writings. The final member of the new cultural geographers is Peter Jackson who’s book Maps of Meaning (1989) is more a summary ofof culture and to examine some ways it might be applied to geography (19891171). Part of the work’s appeal is its concise and str[...] |
| [...]are about. Beginning with the familiar critique of Sauer and the Berkeley Schoolzl and of the humanistic geography (198921-23), Jackson moves to an elaboration of cultural studies through a discussion of the work of Raymond Williams. Characterising William’s work as dealing with the central question of whether a materialist analysis of culture can be constructed that doesn’t become[...]materialist as it emphasises that cultural forms of all kinds are the result of specific processes of production. Jackson then surveys the variety in the field of cultural studies. Turning to cultural landscapes[...]consistently rejected a unitary and elitist view of culture. It has focused instead on the plurality of cultural forms through which dominant meanings ar[...]ographers must be prepared to examine a plurality of landscapes. Jackson briefly discusses work in th[...]ork by Ley and Cosgrove. Apart from the critique of Price and Lewis (1993) there have been two major[...]ltural geography. Firstly Demeritt in an overview of the metaphors used in the new cultural geography[...]historians have been arguing for a dualistic view of nature, nature exists apart from our understanding of it, cultural geographers have questioned the same[...]landscape. Cultural geographers took up metaphors of cultural production to turn attention to the social construction of meaning which in turn allowed them to critique the “naturalised” conception of landscape. However environmental historians Demerit argues “are committed to representing the agency of nature as autonomous from cultural ways of understanding it” (1994: 164). Demeritt basically sees no hope of reconciling the two positions and suggests that n[...]bandoned “we can get on with the important work of understanding how the idea of culture functions in society” (19952110). Mitch[...]lished. Duncan (1995) points to the establishment of the journal Ecumene as a positive sign, no wonder[...]Cosgrove are its editors! However the influence of new cultural geography seems limited in America and in the field of historical geography. 2‘ By now becomin[...] |
| [...]ewrite Wagners and Mikesell classic text in light of the critique of their view of culture (which they both recant in this volume).[...]d as Re-reading Cultural Geography as a statement of cultural geography will be as convenient a target[...]n the British literature (1994:16-17). While some of the readings are certainly in the terrain of new cultural geography most are not. In commenting on the text Duncan notes the absence of some “fine relevant British writing’ (199514[...]cal geography despite the enthusiastic discussion of ideology and landscape by Baker (1992) and a similar discussion by Conzen (1990) the overview of historical geography in the USA by Conzen (1993) notes only a seepage of post-modem ideas into historical geography (1993188). Butlin’s similar overview of historical geography focuses on authors such as G[...]ew cultural geography is discussed in the chapter of landscapes as merely broadening the traditional a[...]between geography and history points to a failure of historical geographers to come to grips with current notions of history claiming that historical geography is using an outmoded paradigm of history “the natural history approach” (19972222). While one might wish to disagree with aspects of Guelke’s analysis, his comments on the differing uses of history are important in understanding why cultur[...]l geography seems absurd especially when the work of cultural geographers such as Cosgrove and Duncan,[...]NCLUSIONS It is perhaps a testimony to the power of the landscape concept that at the end of this review there is still even more literature that could be examined. The concept of cultural landscapes has proven to be of long lasting usefulness in helping researchers un[...]nt ever left a “natural” landscape. The work of Carl Sauer is important in formulating a concept of cultural landscapes. Sauer’s morphological appr[...]d largely is carried on by the current generation of cultural geographers. Sauer’s work was r[...] |
| 384 conceptualisation of culture in the work of the cultural geographers have been identified and conceded. A third generation school of cultural geography has emerged in the USA aiming[...]roach to cultural landscapes emerged in the works of Darby, Hoskins and Beresford which integrated landscape and documentary evidence in a description of the cultural landscapes. Although the work of Darby, Hoskins and Beresford was not unified eno[...]lanatory power was limited by their understanding of culture although they obviously had a broader view of why certain landscapes occurred when they did. I[...]ent approach to the landscape emerged in the work of the New Cultural Geographers. They rejected the view of culture which is typified as being used by Sauer[...]Landscapes are seen as social constructs or a way of seeing (Jackson 1989: 1 80-1 81). Despite the rejection of old cultural geography Cosgrove explicitly points to the use of traditional techniques of fieldwork and mapping as ways to closely read the landscape. The difference lies in the questions asked of the landscape and the evidence used to understand the landscape. Landscapes have layers of meaning that can be reached by a variety of techniques, for Duncan it is the metaphor of reading the landscape as text (1990). For Cosgrove it is a careful contextual analysis (1989) and the use of the theatrical metaphor (Cosgrove and Daniel 1989[...]weaknesses but none is seen as the preferred way of undertaking analysis. It is of interest that the practical examples of studies seem limited to one well defined period of time and area. For Cosgrove it is Sixteenth Centu[...]ly as they claim to have overcome the limitations of the previous methods of dealing with change over time. Currently there s[...]— the new cultural geography pushing this view of landscape. This is balanced by an American school of a renovated “old” cultural geography, which i[...]. Central to the work in each form is the concept of cultural landscapes. The concept has survived but the questions asked of the landscape have diversified and become[...] |
| APPENDIX TWO: RESPECTABILITY AND THE CULT OF DOMESTICITY |
| 386 Respectability was the underpinning of the squatter’s status; it is what separated them from the "skulkers" and others who perhaps met some of the criteria to be squatters.Z3 Respectability is a short hand word for a system of social values held during the period under discus[...]ry defines respectable as “worthy or deserving of respect by reason of some inherent quality or qualities” or alternatively “of good or fair social standing and having the moral[...]is defined as “the state quality or condition of being respectable in point of character or social standing”. Respectability must be seen in the context of what the particular qualities of character or social standing were at any particul[...]ry between social groups at any one time and also of course over time as well. The point being that th[...]these “inherent qualities” during the period of squatting? There has been clear agreement by historians that there is a distinct set of “Victorian values” that relate in a large way[...]tlined. 4 This leads to a rather ill defined set of values, often talked about by historians but rare[...]dy outlined what he termed the Victorian “Frame of Mind” which remains the only attempt to establi[...]an values were. Asa Briggs notes ‘the key words of the times were thought, work and progress’ (196321). Later Briggs stressed that the concept of work was at the very core of Victorian values, “not just work in the factory[...]9711135). Best, in his discussion on social order of 23 Linda Young uses the terms “gentility” and “genteel" referring to the qualities of both breeding and birth that are of course part of respectability. I have chosen to use respectabili[...]king men. 2" This seems to be due to the absence of a good history of the middle class. If Victorian society is seen as[...]en the spheres. 25 For all the recent discussion of Victorian values in the British literature you wo[...]990, Walvin [987) have been focused on a critique of Mrs Thatcher’s conception of Victorian values. Characteristically her statement of what Victorian values are, is much more concrete that those of the historians. |
| 387 mid-Victorian Britain sees the values of deference and social hierarchy as vertically integrating society while concepts or values of respectability and independence were seen as creating divisions across levels of society. The value of independence was seen as being reliant on yoursel[...]a communist state (1) and encompassed the values of both being a good person and a pillar of society (19712260). Young notes that Evangelisti[...]were transformed or secularised into the concept of respectability a standard held it seems in common[...]nsus. They included sobriety, thrift, cleanliness of person and tidiness ofof seriousness and earnestness that if pushed too far could result in the negation of these virtues so that ideals held could be seen a[...]drawing, like Houghton, on the literary depiction of gentlemen and gentry identified four types of gentlemen each with their own set of values, the officer and gentleman; the scholar an[...]an sportsman (1982: 13). Mason traces the history of the meanings of the concept of the “gentleman” from the time of Chaucer to the plucky death of Captain Oates in 1913. Mason points out that the concept of the gentleman and the values that went with it we[...]t rather as a sea anemone will adopt a new source of food and adapt its digestive system to deal with it ” (1982: 12). One of the conditions of respectability for the upper and in particular the emerging middle class was conformance to the “cult of domesticity”, a fundamental ideal of the Victorian age. The cult of domesticity is short hand for the convergence of a number of Victorian values and their incorporation in a whole way of life. Domesticity was one of the core aspects of life in the Victorian era and to be considered re[...]tions and networks that could challenge the world of rank and land. For many of the middle class it was the challenge based on religious grounds where the religious condition of the individual was seen as the mark of gentility, or respectability (1987273). The Evan[...]sponse to the social dislocation and rapid change of the period from 1770 onwards. “Religious belief[...]77). The first Anglican Evangelists were members of the Church of England who believed in reforming the church and |
| [...]nnah Moore. The Clapham set were from backgrounds of the middle class or upper class who were faced wi[...]elical struggle over anti-slavery and over reform of manners and morals, a new vision of the nation, of political power and of family life was formed” (Hall 1979215). In refo[...]morality Evangelism aimed to provide a new model of life that replaced licentiousness and immorality[...]and respectability based on the day to day living of Christian ideals (Hall 1979116). This was based on the individuals awareness of their own weakness and inadequacy and the need fo[...]as well as protected her natural characteristics of delicacy, fragility and moral weakness from the o[...]the 17805 attacking slavery and the moral laxity of the upper classes. The French Revolution forced t[...]l revolutionaries but also by reforming the state of England. Evangelism was important because it’s[...]also helped bridge the capitalist transformation of England from a society of landed gentry to a society of emerging industrial bourgeoisie. Balanced agains[...]Prince Regent, (later George IV) and the epitome of all dandies “Beau Brummell”, Regency England was “an attempt on the part of the wastrel aristocracy and a contingent of imitative commons to revive the elegance of Eighteenth Century fashionable life in a moral atmosphere reminiscent of the Restoration” (Altick 197329; see also Sales 1994). The morally bankrupt life of the Regency Dandies was an important target of Evangelist critiques. Evangelists along with oth[...]in the natural difference and complementary roles of men and women which had been particularly linked to Evangelism had become the common sense of the English middle class (19872149, this is reflected in Houghton 1957). Bradley notes that the adoption of the Evangelist model of behaviour by the middle class “was very largely responsible for creating the cult of respectability and conformity which charac[...] |
| 389 of the Evangelist critique can be seen quite strongly in the early years of the Nineteenth Century. For example, in reading Longford’s biography of the Duke of Wellington we read of his concern, embarrassment and despair of the activities of the Tory Government, with numerous duels and scan[...]esire to be “useful” and shows the influence of the writings of Hannah Moore. Various readers of Jane Austen have also sought to claim Evangelist[...]making a more general, less Evangelistic critique of her times (1994). Davidoff and Hall use the example of the Queen Caroline affair to argue the strength of the ideals of domestic virtues. In this case where King George IV, a noted womaniser and leader of Regency Dandyism, sought to divorce his wife Queen Caroline. The defence of Queen Caroline drew on the image of her as “dependant womanhood” needing to be pr[...]ir demonstrates how power was justified in terms of virtue emanating from the Evangelists domestic id[...]estic virtues. As Briggs has noted for the period of the Great Exhibition (1851) “the Queen and Prince Consort were providing a golden model of respectability and happy family life. The ideals of the court were in conformity with those of the middle class rather that those of the older aristocracy” (Briggs 1963220). Davidoff and Hall note that the doctrine of separate spheres as the key to domestic ideology26 (1983, 1987). They argue that Evangelical notions of separate spheres and duties of those within them, is translated into domesticity through the literature of advice books, sermons and tracts which were comm[...]iastically read (1987:75, 149-192). The doctrine of separate spheres referred to the division of society into public and private life. Public life included the world of paid work, of politics and of men. Private life was the world of women, children and servants and was concerned with the creation and management of the home. Men of course could occupy the private sphere as well as the public indeed one purpose of the private sphere was to nurture the man so he c[...]c sphere (Davidoff and Hall 1983). The basic aim of domesticity was to create a home. A home as oppos[...]a house is just a building, empty) was the centre of love and care. As the Registrar General said in the introduction to the Census of 1851: “the possession of an entire house is strongly desired by every Engl[...]ed circle round his family and hearth - the shine of his sorrows, joys and meditations” (Davidoff 19[...]ause it kept “the family” free from the taint of the market place. If commercial considerations we[...]iculated domestic values based on a close reading of middle class moral tracts, diaries and let[...] |
| [...]hen it would be difficult to maintain the facade of strict sexual divisions and age and sex hierarchi[...]men’s role was to create the domestic happiness of the fireside through her management of the home (based on strict order and regularity),[...]e home provided a refuge from the turbulent world ofof their families; moulding the minds of the young and improving the general level of manners in society by their influence and duty ([...]was the man’s external role. The Victorian view of manliness was based on qualities of physical courage, chivalric ideals, virtuous fort[...]the character as being “the noblest possession of man, constituting rank in itself, an estate in ge[...](1908:449). Later he notes “You may admire men of intellect, but something more is necessary before[...]lness, integrity and goodness... form the essence of manly character” (19082452). Vance, in “The Sinews 0f the Spirit”, gives a comprehensive discussion of the qualities of physical manliness, chivalry and moral manliness that form the Victorian quality of manliness. There was a long tradition of physical exercise in the fresh air. This took the form of various organised activities that occurred across[...]the early Nineteenth Century often roused the ire of respectable public opinion. The Evangelicals of course did not see such activities as “serious”, rather it was a waste of valuable time and potentially morally dangerous ([...]lry again had a long history and was the preserve of the upper class who were mercilessly poked fun at[...]uch as Charles Kingsley. Thus it was the virtues of chivalry such as personal honour and public duty that were extolled. Moral manliness is representative of Christ and Christian beliefs in terms of manly analogies (“fight the good fight with all your might”) and the emphasis of Christ’s manliness. The Christian manliness bec[...]lar Christianity and is associated with the works of Charles Kingsley and Thomas Hughes. Muscular |
| 391 Christianity promoted the ideals of physical strength, courage and health, the importance of family life, elements of duty and service to mankind and the study of the natural world to discover the divine pattern of the moral universe (see Richards 1987:102-103). M[...]served as the launching point for the development of the sporting cult of the last decades of the Nineteenth Century where manliness became defined by sporting ability and fair playing. The concept of separate spheres, and Davidoff and Hall’s discussion of it in Family Fortunes (1987), has been critiqued by Vickery (1993). Vickery’s main cement ofof whether the doctrine of separate spheres should be taken as a given of the Nineteenth Century however she offers no evid[...]to spend time soaking up the manners and methods of the lifestyle. Since this usually disbarred firs[...]neration had to be prepared for entrance by means of an acceptable education and marriage into the eli[...]motion through the ranks depending upon a variety of considerations include land ownership, state serv[...]198623). Historians have pointed to the adoption of respectable values by the middle and lower classe[...]ing origins, although becoming less so at the end of the Nineteenth Century. The openness of the upper elite was seen as one way of avoiding the consequences of the social disruption of the Industrial Revolution. In fact, the Victorian[...]per classes (see Gunn 1988). However, the reality of the openness of the upper class is a matter for historical[...] |
| 392 of the industrial spirit through gentrification”[...]ntly respectable. In considering the application of notions of respectability based on studies of “Victorian society’ it is important to consid[...]tralian situation. Firstly, studies such as those of Davidoff which have been drawn on heavily in this[...]England, yet the squatters came from other parts of the United Kingdom, especially Scotland as well as some sprinklings of the Irish. There was also the “continental” i[...]is likely to be some variation in the specifics of behaviour especially in the context of “Colonial Society”. The continual flow of cultural information from the United Kingdom in the form of letters and newspapers served to transmit the mores of respectability. Atkinson has sketched the postal[...]1829 and 1847 (Atkinson 1979A). He saw the growth of the postal service as being one of the overall factors in the growth of the squatting economy. Importantly the mail inclu[...]s were sent inland from Sydney with about a third of these being from overseas (1979Az22). One also must consider that the velocity of the flow of information increased over time with the introduction of faster ships”, the telegraph, the Suez route to[...]ch as the railway and telegraph. The development of the advice book in the Nineteenth Century provided another source of information on fashion and domesticity. Architectural historians have pointed to the role of advice books as sources for the design of various buildings (Broadbent 1976; Morris 1995).[...]chitectural blueprints, they were linked to a set of Victorian values that the architecture embodied.[...]hey were important vehicles for the dissemination of aesthetic attitudes” (1976:65). Interestingly B[...]sie, built as a retreat from the city in the face of the difficulties of his work as a typical example of domesticity. While Broadbent focuses on the source of the aesthetic for the building and its setting, at heart is the domestic value of the home as a retreat from work. In another example of the use of advice manuals Mary Turner Shaw details the use of Robert Kerr’s The Gentleman’s House. . .by he[...]ad at Wooriwyrite in 1885 despite the involvement of the architect Alexander Hamilton (Shaw 1969: 146-[...]to 80 days. More importantly was the introduction of the “packet” type service with ships leaving[...]72. 29 Based on the annotations in Shaw’s copy of Kerr. |
| Finally there was the continual flow of immigrants to Australia not to mention the cyclical transmission of Government officials (notably the Governors - the head of society). Finally there are the tourists both tho[...]e” visiting Australia. The most notable example of the latter being the Duke of Edinburgh. It is in the transmission of culture in person that the subtleties of respectability and gentility are transmitted. Actors in the model society of “home” can pass on and critique the performances of actors in Australia, indeed critiques of Australian manners is a familiar literary form.[...]ion, this was quickly demonstrated by the refusal of the Marines to guard the convicts at Port Jackson! Moreover with the pardoning of convicts and the expiration of convict sentences, the simple two-caste society ([...]oped into a complex society where the basic lines of division were convict/free but where there were degrees on the convict stain and divisions of rank within the free. Naturally the success of the convict entrepreneurs posed a particular problem. As Hirst notes “by the end of Macquarie’s govemorship the ex-convicts had earned well over half the wealth of the colony and were masters of the same proportion of the convicts” (Hirst 1983:81). The wealth of the convict entrepreneurs placed them often on a[...]from good society. John Hirst comments “ if the officers and the free settlers had possessed all the qualities of the traditional English gentleman, the wealthy ex[...]ient. It was notorious that in the early days the officers had made their fortune by trading in " thr[...]. Connell and Irving (1980) discuss the formation of a colonial gentry which emerges in the period 181[...]clusives or gentry ran through the upper echelons of society in NSW and caused considerable social and[...]business men in The Rocks. She notes the signing of petitions by Rocks people in 1819 and 1821 where[...]l that they did not take on the distinctive codes of a "genteel" moral and cultural behaviour adopted[...]ed by the emergent middle class in England. Ideas of intemalised self- control and an self- improvement, fervent Evangelical Protestantism, the romantic view of Nature, the separation of work and home and the shunning of all alcohol |
| all remained absent from the lives of the long-settled, property owning emancipists of the Rocks. They defined their respectability not by indicators ofof regency morality rather than the Victorian model of behaviour (1997:229-223). From this we can see the thread of respectability running through at least the upper[...]cquired. In Port Phillip in the “golden age” of the 18303 to the 18405 good society formed a gent[...]ntry. According to de Serville this excluded most of the squatters who were in any case located inland from Melbourne. Later of course, the excluded class, the squattocracy, ros[...]thy but not respectable. David Goodman’s study of the Victorian goldfields in the 18505 notes that one of the key features of the male society on the goldfields was the freed[...]east the articulate diggers) from the constraints of a structured society and from domestic constraints and responsibility”. Goodman paints a picture of a society in Victoria where the effects of gold were criticized in terms of the domestic ideology; men saw themselves and their families’ happiness in terms of movement to the goldfields and speculation that[...]ake a fortune. Women saw that it would take a lot of gold to compensate for the loss of domestic happiness (Goodman 1994: 1 5 1). It is clear from Goodman’s discussion that the cult of domesticity was strongly entrenched in Australian[...]eformers and moralists began to work on the ideal of masculinity as freedom and push it (back?) toward[...]oodman 1984: 149-178). In this dialogue the seeds of the selection movement and the so-called “yeoma[...]c ideal as yeoman farmers we can see the workings of respectability on both the squatters and the sele[...]a was measured by adherence or otherwise to a set of values and standards developed in the period from[...]to the 1890S called “Victorian Values”. Chief of these was the cult of domesticity. “Victorian Values” 30 This is a[...]atting period drawing on Ward’s classic history of bush life The Australian Legend (Ferry 1999). How[...]d or maintained the domestic ideal from the start of their squatting. |
| [...]rom the United Kingdom and reinforced by the flow of information in the form of letters, newspapers, journals and advice guides f[...]ed in the respectable person and ensured a degree of conformity between “home” and the “colony”. It should be noted that in this period the speed of information flow from home to the colonies deceased dramatically with the introduction of “packet service to England, then steam ship ser[...]and. The information flow was linked to the sale of material culture, such as ceramic dining s[...] |
| APPENDIX THREE: THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE AT LANYON AND QUEANBEYAN |
| A considerable amount of emphasis in the historical discourse on Lanyon ha[...]trate”. This stems from the regular appearances of his assigned convicts at the Queanbeyan Magistrates Court between 1837 and 1840. Wright was also accused of inspecting convicts' backs after flogging and of mismanagement of his convicts. This evidence has been used by Blair and Claoue-Long (1993a & b) to construct a view of Lanyon as a landscape ofof Wright’s status in society can be glimpsed. Wright was one of the earliest people calling for the establishment of a local court, complaining to the Colonial Secret[...]835 that he had had to travel 520 miles in search of a Magistrate to whom he could lay a complaint against one of his servants. Justice in the region was administrated by military officers acting as mounted police who travelled the[...]Secretary appointed Captain Alured Tasker Faunce of the 4th (Kings Own) Regiment to the position of Police Magistrate at Queanbeyan. Faunce, who was[...]27-28). From the start he was faced with the lack of proper facilities (such as a court house and jail), convict officials and the need to visit Sydney to settle th[...]ters affair. These matters created difficulties of the administration of j ustice with prisoners escaping, corrupt police[...]om Faunce’s supposed laxity towards his convict officials. Wright, who had been appointed Justice of the Peace in 1835, was one of those dissatisfied with the system. So was Teren[...]other Dr James Murray. T.A. Murray was the leader of the “squatters” in the area and was, like Wri[...]resulting in an inquiry later that year. The tone of the complaint was similar to that in the Sydney G[...]nd Claoue-Long do, that it was “Wright’s lack of control over his convicts, his repeated resort to official floggings, and the number of convicts who ran away from Lanyon” that provoked an official inquiry into policing in the distri[...] |
| [...]lmers took part either as witnesses or supporters of either side. This reflects their use of emigrant labour rather than convict, which meant[...]ell did occasionally appear in court. Their lack of involvement may also reflect their social and political distance as members of the colonial “gentry”. One of the complaints was that punishment was often remitted or lessened through the corruption of the ex-convict minor officials (eg it was reported that a blanket was pl[...]It is in this context that Wright’s inspection of the backs of convicts recently punished must be seen. It is no[...]was a regular practice, yet the Deposition books of the Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates suggests that there was only one case where this was done. This was the case of Phillip Lee, who had been up on charges of not working and was sentenced to 25 lashes on the[...], I have the honour to report for the information of His Excellency the Governor that it has appears t[...]rip and show their backs in order that the extent of laceration might be ascertained, and to request t[...]annot give a general authority for the withdrawal of convict servants in such cases but as the practic[...]ghly disgusting and improper, I shall take notice of particular case which (shall?) be brought to me.” (State Records of NSW 40/939) Shortly after Murray and Wrig[...] |
| [...]ting Faunce, was not proved largely because most of the convicts had escaped from Police custody, whi[...]ement: “he was acquainted with Mr Wrights mode of managing his convicts and there was only one poin[...]iffer in opinion, which point was the examination of the backs of his servants after receiving corporal punishment of which he (Captain Faunce) disapproved. Mr Wright[...]nce had not been properly executed.” (Archives Office of NSW) In undertaking this inspection, which it appears as a Justice of the Peace Wright was entitled to do, Wright trans[...]o witness them” (Hirst 1983260). In the context of Wright’s social position as Assignee or Master,[...]ng for the prisoner as well. It was almost a case of double jeopardy - a second punishment after the first. Here it is worth considering Dening’s discussion of the case of William Bligh another notorious flogger (1993). Dening comments that other Captain’s imposition of discipline was a mutual engagement of the punisher and the punished, whereas Bligh’s punishment, although lesser in numbers of lashes given than most British Captains in the Pa[...]ed as just and in others it was not, irrespective of the actual number of lashes. With Wright, the inspection of the back was humiliating to the convict and that[...]a very public statement about the administration of justice in Queanbeyan (ie he is attacking Faunce’s position especially in the context of the published allegations against Faunce). Wrigh[...]magistrate and justice was physically applied by officers of the court. The system disassociated the Assignee from the administration of justice. Wright by inspecting the backs re-entered the scheme of things at an inappropriate point by becomi[...] |
| [...]Respectable people avoided the physical realities of flogging (see Hirst 1983260). He might have been smarter to get the doctor (although the absence of both the doctor and Police Magistrate in supervising floggings was one of the complaints) or T. A. Murray, in his role as Justice of the Peace, to inspect backs for him. Thus, Wrigh[...]per practice rather than as a tyrant. Examination of the Bench ofof disobedient convicts Wright seems entirely typica[...]t a year had passed between Wright’s inspection of Lees back and the Faunce complaint. Was Faunce mo[...]nd Wright were concerned about his administration of justice? Wright is revealed by this incident to be a person of obvious social status (otherwise he would not have been a Justice of the Peace) but whose respectability might be seen[...]as an understatement, however Mowle was writing of a period eight years later and he was not a Justice of the Peace in I840. |
TXT | |
| [...]A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Prehistoric and Historic Archaeology University of Sydney December 1999 |
| [...]thesis has taken over six years during which much of my work has been undertaken on weekends and in da[...]Office, has encouraged me throughout the duration of my work by reading and discussing my work. Sam Mc[...]n a good and supportive friend in the last throes of the writing up. My supervisors at the University of Sydney, Judy Birmingham, Roland Fletcher (prehist[...]ance. Special thanks for services beyond the call of duty go to Dr Aedeen Cremin and Dr Sarah Colley who read most of the second draft and were extremely helpful in ma[...]nd Sarah had been very encouraging and supportive of my work as well as helping with my caffeine addic[...]hanks to my colleagues and fellow students at the University of Sydney: Steph Moser, Pim Alison, Tracy Ireland, P[...]Carlyle Greenwall Bequest to support my work. The University kindly allowed me to use an airless, windowless o[...]Meg Stuart, assisted with constructing a database of conditional purchase records and bought me[...] |
| [...]the de Salis diaries held at the National Library of Australia. I would like to thank the staff ofthe manuscripts section of the ational Library of Australia for their assistance and for installing[...]rts they have collected on Lanyon. In the course of my research I have been fortunate to receive the assistance of the following people: Terry Kass, Grace Karskans,[...]Nigel Prickett, Neville Ritchie, and Mark Brown. Of course, Skerrick was her usual helpful self and provided hours of diversion. |
| [...]ies the cultural landscape concept to the history of squatting (sheep and cattle fanning on Crown Land outside the limits of location) in South Eastern Australia to revisit the question of squatting and the land question in Australia. Using the techniques of historical archaeology as applied to cultural lan[...]s and the landscape. After reviewing the history of the cultural landscape concept, the thesis proceeds along two lines of inquiry. Firstly, it discusses the history of squatting at the broad level seeking to understan[...]cted until 1911). Lanyon is studied as an example of pioneering and establishing squatting runs. Cuppacumbalong is studies as an example of maintaining the squatting run over a period of time against broad processes such as economic flu[...]d to late 1800s selection movement. The overview of the history of squatting (Chapters 3 & 4) argues that while the main driving force of squatting was the economics of the wool industry which in collision with the Colonial Government's land policy produced the phenomena of wholesale illegal occupation of Crown Land across much of South-Eastern Australia. The settlement pattern created was driven by the occupation of grassy plains suitable for sheep farming. However[...]s structures and landscapes that were expressions of their respectability. This respectability aided them in their struggle for security and conversion of squatting runs into secure leasehold. This securi[...]ate to State but shared a general idealistic view of the economies of small farming and ignorance of the environment. Selection pitted the squatter and selector in a conflict to attain the same ideals of respectability and domesticity often on the same piece of land. This explains the often-ambiguous attitude[...]seeking accommodation with selectors. The nature of the conflict between squatter and selector was me[...]s and regulations and this gives rise to the form of the cultural landscape in many areas. Research into Lanyon resulted in a substantial review of the established view of Lanyon as a landscape of "captive labour" to one where evidence of coercion in the landscape does not exist. The owner of Lanyon at the time James Wright is shown to have[...]self on his squatting run at Cuppacumbalong (part of the Lanyon estate). |
| [...]to the de Salis family in 1855. Detailed analysis of the squatter/selector conflict is undertaken using the Conditional purchase records, the diary of George de Salis and the landscape itself. This shows how the patriarch of the family, the Hon Leopold Fane de Salis (MLC), husbanded his estate to create a freehold estate out of the squatting run. This was done by a mixture of using family and dummies to select important areas of the estate (the flats) which gave the family control of the most economically valuable parts of the land. From this base, de Salis was able to "q[...]Leopold de Salis operated through the provisions of the various Crown Land Acts (which he as an MP wa[...]ed to "improve" the land. This involved erections of residences (huts), fencing and clearing. From the conditional purchase records, it is clear that the bulk of the improvements went into ring barking and clearing the land. Thus the creation of squatting landscape in this case was a complex interaction of the desires of the de Salis's to maintain their estate, the desires of selectors to create small fanns, the Lands Acts a[...]oth the broad process that shaped the development of squatting and the individual responses to the pro[...]om historical cliches and to paint a rich picture of Australian history. |
| [...]IV TABLE OF CONTE T[...]O 1850: PIO EERI G D THE ESTABLISHME T OF THE SQUATTOCRACY[...] |
| [...]VB Introduction of sheep to Australia 39[...]39 Development of the Australian wool industry 41 Expansion to the limits of location 42 West of the Blue Mountains[...]45 The Limits of Location 46 The Squatting Occupation of South-Eastern Australia 48 The Monaro[...]55 Settlement of Victoria 57 The sanctioning of squatting 61 The 1[...]62 The Depression of 1841 62 The[...]pps 65 The Consolidation of squatting 68 Who wer[...]115 The success or otherwise of selection 119 The Pa[...] |
| [...]Vlll The 1890s Depression and the end of squatting 129 Conclusion[...]132 Choice of the study area 133 Suitability of the study area 134 Overview of runs in the area[...]d Landscape 173 A landscape of captive labour?[...]184 Patterns of spatial organisation[...] |
| [...]194 Brief overview of runs held by de Salis 195 Loss of the estate[...]207 Patterns of Spatial Organisation[...]212 The village of Tharwa[...]228 Analysis of Conditional Purchase Series[...]270 Catchment 5: the Long Gully, south of Murrumbidgee 272 Ca[...]274 Catchment 7: Catchments West of the Murrumbidgee 277 |
| [...]280 Catchment 9: East Side of the Gudgenby River and aas River. 282[...]298 The Treachery of the Campbells[...]309 CHAPTER 9: CO CLUSIO -THE LAND OF THE GOLDE FLEECE 314 Intro[...]354 APPE DlX Two: RESPECTABILITY A D THE C LT OF DOMESTICITY 385 APPENDIX THREE: THE ADMI ISTRATIO OF JUSTICE AT LA 0 A D QUEA BEYA[...] |
| [...]ains are a distinguishing feature in the interior of New South Wales... The silence and solitud[...]enable anyone to form a proper conception of them; no traces of the works of man are here to be met with, except perhaps the ashes of a fire on the banks of some river. ...nothing meets the eye of the traveller, with the exception of a few solitary Emus, to enliven the monotony of the dreary expanse. From the contemplation of this vacancy and solitude the mind recoils[...]and enlivened by the presence and industry of civilised man."[...]amilies. These people, termed "squatters" because of their method of land holding2 , formed the first wave of post-convict settlement beyond the Cumberland Pla[...]icence reluctantly issued by the Crown, held most of South-Eastern Australia. No doubt this form of title was intended to act in the normal legal sense of giving a non-exclusive permission to occupy Crown[...]g runs 3 could be bought and sold. In the decade of the 1840s, the squatters vigorously campaigned to[...]s on the land. This point marked the entrenchment of the squatters in the physical, political and soci[...]to settle. Squatting runs physically took up much of the landscape of South-Eastern Australia. The squatters were also[...]for electors, which disenfranchised the majority of the population. In social circles, the squatters[...]he squatters occupied the land without pemlission of the Crown, the presumed owner. 3 In this t[...] |
| [...]3 Following the gold rushes of the early 1850s, the land question emerged as one of the major political and social issues in Australia. The basic problem was that the increase of population in Australia caused by a huge immigration of gold diggers raised the question of where they might settle once the gold fields decl[...]squatter's holdings and encourage the settlement of small fanners on the land to create a class of "yeoman farmers". These small farmers were known as selectors and held land on a form of time payment from the Crown. Free Selection was t[...]ere a political power in the Legislative Councils of Parliament and had by this time become a de facto[...]sphere where, through Parliament, representatives of each view argued over the various pieces of land legislation and their administration. The se[...]legal and financial power and considerable powers of tenacity, to try to create or maintain farms and landed estates. In the process, many of the squatter's runs became freehold lands althoug[...]ters. Matters were not helped by the introduction of the rabbit from the 1860s, massive and prolonged[...]in the marginal areas in the semi-arid west, much of which is still held on lease. The position of the squatters as pioneers was celebrated in vario[...]s Franklin and Steele Rudd all explore dimensions of squatting and selecting. It is with Stephen Roberts's work that serious historical discussion of squatting begins. A History ofLand Settlement in[...]ng Age in Australia (1935) which was an outgrowth of this earlier research, presented a romanticised view of squatting (cited as Roberts 1968 & 1974 respectiv[...]ent studies as the first serious historical study of squatting. Billis and Kenyon wrote a more romanticised history of squatting in Victoria with Pastures New (1930) and produced a summary history of squatting runs and squatters for Victoria in Past[...]b). As well, Phillip Brown began his lengthy task of publishing all the correspondence from the[...] |
| [...]4 Beginning in the 1950s a number of studies of squatting and related subjects began to be published. Most notable was Margaret KiddIe's Men of Yesterday (1962) a social history of Western District squatters to whom KiddIe was rel[...]s a decided move away from the simple biographies of squatters and squatting families such as were pub[...]urray (1968). KiddIe's work on the social history of squatting was never explicitly followed up, but s[...]ion in Bathurst (1993). Studies on the economics of the wool industry stimulated by Noel Butlin's wor[...]here was considerable discussion on the economics of the wool industry4 (rather than squatting) by aut[...]ll Ker (1961, 1962). However with the publication of Abbott's The Pastoral Age in 1971 debate and rese[...]much under-rated research theme was the question of land utilisation and government policy, which alt[...]Powell and Hancock established the research theme of human impact on the environment, now popular with[...]all it can be said that although no local history of South-Eastern Australia (outside the original 19 counties of New South Wales) can be said to be complete without a mention of squatting, selecting and the land debate, these t[...]history more to their taste. This means that many of the new modes of historical discourse have not been applied to the history of squatting. That history has therefore remained co[...]ich seem rather to have stalled. Yet, the ghosts of squatting stalk the fields of contemporary Australian society. When politicians[...]ime Minister) and Alexander Downer (former Leader of the Opposition) are dismissed as "squatters", it[...]the squatter speaks for privilege and the status of a ruling class. 4 There was also a line of research into the origins of the merino and sheep in general. |
| [...]es about Aboriginal land rights there is the echo of previous attempts to change the nature of pastoral holdings to reduce the squatters power. Furthermore the current system of rural land tenure emerged from the land debates of the nineteenth century. T AKI GAL DSCAPE[...]is aims to understand: • the process of firstly transforming the Aboriginal cultural land[...]ting landscape. • the transformation of the squatter into the squattocracy. •[...]out on the landscape. In the process of undertaking this study, it is also hoped to reunite some ofthe separate strands of squatting research. Land policy for example was not just some abstract notion. It was underpinned by notions of social and economic status that had a direct interaction with the landscape of South-Eastern Australia. The policy can be unders[...]be related back to the land debates and contexts of social and economic status. While some of the information used in this thesis, particularly[...]on a broad stage where they are seen in a variety of roles: as pioneering heroes, as rampant capitalis[...]both the "Whig view" and the "Black Armband view" of the past to flourish. On the other hand landscap[...]rly well situated in social and economic contexts of the time. Discussions of particular landscapes often ignore the context in[...]. In particular, there seems little understanding of how land legislation acted to control the shape of a landscape and of the contexts in which the legislation was developed and applied. The lack of context in studies of individual landscapes allows |
| [...]aking a landscape approach forces the examination of abstract notions such as "squatters as rampant capitalists" in the context of actual physical evidence, the cultural landscapes[...]a broader context for a particular manifestation of squatting behaviour such as taking up a piece of land rather than focus on an individual squatter's behaviour. The potential of landscape research for the study of squatting was noted in the first major statement[...]evealed in settlement pattern is a promising area of study" (1983: 12). Despite this call historical a[...]g in Australia has been limited to the early work of Connah in New England (1977, 1983 and Connah et a[...]house on Holowiliena Station (1993). This paucity of work is attributable to the disciplinary focus on[...]on landscape it should be noted that the research of Joe Powell, a historical geographer with an obvio[...]kground, is important for documenting the working of the land laws in Victoria (1970, 1973). His work was followed by that of Ray Wright on the workings of the Victoria Lands Department (1989). Both Powell and Wright focus on the workings of the land laws and the individuals involved and de[...]ortant in providing an understanding the workings of the land law in Victoria and it is puzzling that[...]squatting this thesis is not only addressing one of the oldest research themes in the study of Australia's past, but it is also trying to develo[...]entary evidence. This does not mean that one line of evidence is to have priority over another but that all lines of evidence are to be considered. The approach to t[...]approach" which aims to look at material aspects of squatting as forming a cultural landscape (see Ch[...]pproach rather than the more traditional approach of excavation is that there seemed to be no compelli[...]uld be solved solely by excavation. The formation of a squatting run and the development of architecture and spatial arrangements rela[...] |
| [...]dence is abundantly available because large areas of South-Eastern Australia remain as sheep and cattle runs retaining evidence of the squatting era. In Western Victoria for example there are a number of runs that retain evidence of the original squatting settlement and subsequent[...]y collide and gives full reign to the exploration of research in many fields. The rationale for taking this approach is to use the detailed study of the landscape to anchor the abstract notions of squatting to overcome the problems with previous[...]es are used as an organising tool to set a series of issues that the research in the thesis will addre[...]discussed below. Pioneering The general spirit of the histories written about squatting particularly of the early squatters is of heroic times. "The brave pioneers hewing a farm out of the bush" myth. The challenge in researching squa[...]inal cultural landscape, which after various acts of dispersion was claimed as the squatter's own. The study of AboriginaVsquatter relations has been the subject of a number of historical studies including Milliss' magisterial[...]79). We are also fortunate in having the journals of George Augustus Robinson, Protector of Aborigines in Victoria, in a published form which[...]S This claim is based on the authors experience of over fifteen years of archaeological fieldwork in South-East[...] |
| [...]considered decision that involved considerations of the environment, economics, government policy, an[...]ally acknowledged). How long the pioneering phase of squatting persisted and what effect on the landscape the pioneering phase of settlement had, are two important questions to be developed. Before the beginning of squatting expansion, fanning in South-Eastern Aus[...]. This suited both the need for food and the mode of production - namely the use of convict labour. The expansion into sheep and cattle grazing required a more dispersed fonn of settlement and either a "free" workforce or a new fonn of relations between the convict and his overseer an[...]resumably, these changes also required a new fonn of settlement or adaptation of existing settlement patterns in the landscape. F[...]e established squattocracy is about the processes of gaining and maintaining possession of land as well as gaining and maintaining social status. This process is epitomised in the transfonnation of the squatter (a word that even today remains slig[...]racy but also denies that meaning by the coupling of squatter. 6 How did the squatters rise from very[...]Kenyon for example emphasised the good character of the squatters in tenns reminiscent of Samuel Smiles's Self Help. Eamest Scott saw their rise as a natural consequence of the absence of a land policy (1927). Roberts pointed to the irresistible economic force of the successful wool industry which once having ga[...]nning Clark argued that squatting was the product of British emigrants who aspired to the life of the landed Gentry and moved into the seemingly un[...]ll saw squatting as being driven by the economics of the pastoral interest but that the actual settlem[...](1972) 61 am not sure whether this is an example of Australia's cultural cringe (true aristocr[...] |
| [...]10 were much more focused on the details of the squatters and selectors and on the question of the success or otherwise of selection. In my view the answers already provid[...]tocracy and maintaining that position in the face of selection was as much a social as an economic tra[...]e term improvement was used to describe a raising of ones social and economic condition. In other words, there was a link between the social and moral concept of improvement and the material expression of improvement in the form of goods and landscapes. The essential element in the establishment of squatters was respectability, which allowed squat[...]there was now "improved land", populated by "men" of "good character". The official argument for giving squatters some form of right to purchase land was expressed in terms of the land being a force for social and moral improvement. The squatting landscape was an integral part of this social transformation, a point overlooked by[...]on political and economic factors. The evidence of respectability is expressed through adherence to the Victorian era cult of domesticity. The material evidence for this is ob[...]spatial scales. Notably, there is the expression of respectability through various etiquette performances at social events. Manner of dress and speech are other signs of respectability. These can be considered as occurring at a personal scale. There is also the broader aspect of how a person lives their life, particularly their[...]In Mansfield Park Jane Austen paints the picture of a family lead morally astray by the lack of a firm grip by the head of the household and this is expressed in part throu[...]he living fence was more than an inherited symbol of wealth status and enlightenment. Caleb Kirk and other gentleman farmers firmly believed that the appearance of a farm fence indicated the virtue of the farmer who constructed it" (1984:352). Thus,[...]nce was a symbol referring to the moral qualities of the owner. An unkempt fence clearly reflected the moral qualities of the owner (see also the discussion in Davidoff and Hall 1987:370-375). Thus at the scale of the landscape, the moral values of respectability were felt to have a physical expression in the homes and estates of people. An unkempt fence or disorganised estate were symbols of the moral decline or lack of respectability in a family or individual. Convers[...]rdered estate reflected the respectable qualities of the owner as well as the owner's affluence. The notion of improvement was another important value. "Improve[...]ddle Ages referring to the profitable cultivation of land. There was a moral imperative to impr[...] |
| [...]ebrated by Samuel Smile's "SelfHelp", a catalogue of the virtues of improvement. Similarly, the notion of improvement was an important aspect of landscape gardening particularly through the works of Capability Brown and later Humphrey Repton. In the nineteenth century the notion of improvement covered the landscapes of the upper class to the middle class and to the colonies, the rendering of land more profitable by various works, to the notions of moral and spiritual improvement.? In particular, Australia was often considered to be greatly in need of improvement in all areas: spiritually, morally, a[...]l culture was not considered important, the whole of Australia was considered ripe for improvement, that is bringing the land into production, the creation of productive estates as the quotation from James Atkinson at the start of this chapter expresses. Again, there is a tie into the values of respectability as improvement encompasses the values of utility, thrift, seriousness, enthusiasm, and so[...]I use the tenn husbandry to denote the management of an estate and family. It includes the concept of improvement, for the duty of the head of a family was to improve both the estate and his a[...]y has an appeal as a tenn denoting the management of an estate or fann and a family. The squatter-squa[...]ough taking a landscape approach to the husbandry of estates. A well husbanded estate was seen to be a mark of one's social status. This material link between s[...]is important in understanding the transfonnation of the squatter to the squattocracy and in the squattocracy's maintenance of their position in the face of selection. From the above discussion, the link b[...]uatting landscape and the moral and social status of the squatter should be clear. Furthennore it was[...]eded to husband the run as well. Thus, the making of a squatter was intertwined with the making of a squatting landscape. Selecting Ironically, respectability and related Victorian values of domesticity were also used to conjure the vision of the yeoman fanner productively established on his[...]e on the land and improve it as well. This vision of domesticity was also shared with the squatter who[...]ction movement they have been limited by the lack of access to the detailed records of selection, making detailed study difficult. Selec[...]the records were established. This thesis is one of the first to use these records although it seems[...]onditional Purchase Registers (a brief discussion of these records is presented in the following chapter). 7 There was also the notion of "improvements" referring to the actual works that contributed to the "improvement" of a piece of land. 8 As a reading of the many books on visits to colonial Austr[...] |
| [...]Victoria, the Western District has been the focus of Powell's detailed work, in NSW the Riverina has b[...]England (Ferry 1990, 1995, 1996). As the majority of the historical work that discusses this issue has[...]ndscapes in detail to help understand the process of selection. In particular the relative strategies of the selector and the squatter can be examined. In[...]imension missing from current historical accounts of selecting. Co CLUSIO This thesis revisits the theme of squatters and the land question in Australia. It[...]o re-examine squatting but to use the perspective of historical archaeology to analyse squatting lands[...]hasis in the analysis is on the use and interplay of historical and landscape data to understand the p[...]his, it is intended to build up the understanding of the context in which individual case studies illu[...]research themes can be developed. The structure of the thesis is as follows. To begin with, the concept of cultural landscapes and landscape archaeology are[...]ers looking at squatting on the very broad canvas of South-Eastern Australia follow this. These chapte[...]ed in creating squatting landscape in the context of the themes, developing regional trends and patter[...]anding the processes that underpin the production of cultural landscapes is important to provide the context for understanding the individual manifestation of a squatting landscape. There follow three chapte[...]e studies at a local level give specific examples of the development of squatting landscapes and show how the broader tre[...]d the landscape. Lanyon is studied as an example of a pioneering squatting run demonstrating in the landscape the process of pioneering settlement and the relations be[...] |
| [...]13 and his workers. James Wright, the owner of Lanyon is of interest because he was not really a successful s[...]ape. Finally, the work is concluded by a summary of the three research themes and reviews the[...] |
| [...]15 I TROD CTIO In the study of landscapes, the concept of "cultural landscapes" is the primary proposition[...]scape is held to be created or formed by a number of human induced processes interacting over time wit[...]ullied by human interaction. However, the concept of cultural landscapes has not been a static intelle[...]. Therefore it is important to review the concept of cultural landscapes and the methodology for "read[...]gical landscape as a background to the main focus of this thesis. The first and most daunting task is[...]on "culture"). Trying to review the whole corpus of literature would be the work of a lifetime. This review is therefore going to tak[...]esis. Due to space considerations, the first part of the review is presented as Appendix One. Appendix[...]came from and how it developed. The second part of the review is presented in this Chapter and begins with a brief review of the use of the landscape concept in archaeology concluding with a discussion of some specific examples from historical archaeology. This is followed by a review of the use of the cultural landscape concept in Australia. Fina[...]The review is focused on the disciplinary field of geography, simply because of its concern with space and landscape. That it cou[...]with Ruskin's Modern Painters indicates something of the diversity of the topic and the difficulty in deciding what is[...]close ties across the two disciplines; thus many of the developments in geographical techniques and u[...]worked in both areas, while the ''New Geography" of the 1960s was enthusiastically embraced by archae[...]raphy and archaeology therefore share a tradition of common interest in cultural landscapes. GEOGRAP[...]RAL LA DSCAPE There has been a long tradition of archaeological involvement in cultural landscape studies and geography. In British archaeology, the work of Cyril Fox is considered important in establishing the study of settlement patterns, although his work was really a series of distribution maps tracing various items of material culture across the landscape. In his major work on the archaeology of the Cambridge region, these maps were clas[...] |
| [...]16 in terms of culture groups. By comparing the evidence Fox was able to argue that the geological structure of the ambridge region was the dominant factor in de[...]settlement. Fox saw that there were primary areas of settlement, which he considered had been continually settled since the eolithic, and secondary areas of settlement which were dependent on a certain level of civilisation being reached (1923:313-314). Fox we[...]ofBritain (1932) which Carl Sauer saw as a model of geographical writing (Williams, 1983 :9- 10) Gra[...]on the Mesolithic in Britain showed the influence of Fox's work. Clark defined archaeology as "the study of past distribution of culture-traits in time and space, and of the factors governing their distribution" {l933).Clark's thesis used a mixture of typological analysis and distribution maps (Smith[...]ner that is similar to the morphological analysis of cultural landscapes advocated by Sauer. Clark's review of Fox's Personality ofBritain was to some extent qu[...](Clark 1933). The other important work was that of Willey in the Viru valley, Peru. Although conceiv[...]he research has been associated with Willey's use of the concept of settlement pattern in archaeology (e.g.Trigger 19[...]ir arrangement, and to the nature and disposition of other buildings pertaining to community life. These settlements reflect the natural environment, the level of technology on which the builders operated, and the various institutions of social interaction and control, which the culture[...]starting point for the functional interpretation of archaeological cultures" (1953: 1). In many ways[...]s work share similar assumptions about the nature of culture and its relationship with the environment. Willey's work also fits into the methodology of Cultural Geography of the time using archaeological rather than geographical terms. For example, the work of Kniffen on Louisiana house types is very similar[...]adopted the morphological approach as well. Part of the similarity is explained by the fact that both[...]and geography drew on the anthropological theory of the time for their conceptions of culture. 0 doubt this is why Carl Sauer was so ea[...]rn studies while sometimes operating on the scale of landscape analysis, are not necessarily landscape[...]se. Trigger, for example, identified three levels of settlement analysis; the individual structure, the settlement and settlement distributions, of which only the final level involved the landscape[...]nted as being "natural". In contrast, the concept of |
| [...]andscape sees the landscape as a patterned result of cultural process interacting in some way with the natural elements in the landscape. With the development of the ' ew Archaeology" in the 1960s, archaeologists began to discard their previous approaches in favour of a positivist or processual approach based on a sc[...]locational analysis typified by Renfrew's review of Locational Analysis in Human Geography and Models[...]70s there was speculation that the second edition of Locational Analysis might revolutionise archaeolo[...]tivist position (Green and Haselgrove 1978). One of the archaeological responses to the new locational geography was to adopt some of its methodologies. One of the offspring was site catchment analysis. Devise[...]time from the site. Although the concept is full of assumptions, it at least provides a basis for com[...]ndscape. In one sense, a site catchment is a form of cultural landscape although the degree to which i[...]ing the late 1960s there was an increasing number of settlement pattern studies, although there was so[...]establish 'settlement archaeology" as a sub-field of archaeology (Chang, 1968; Rouse 1967; Trigger 1967). Settlement pattern studies followed Willey's concept of settlement pattern and its relationship with the landscape. What did change was the adoption of the general systems approach, an increased integration of ecological and environmental data and models and the use of computer based statistics and models (often called cultural ecology). The most perceptive of these studies is Flannery's edited volume The Early Mesoamerican Village (1976) in which the methods of analysis are carefully discussed and evaluated. As a consequence of the need for environmental data, more interdiscip[...]ronically, this was lead by Ian Hodder, co-author of a very positivist work Spatial Analysis in Archae[...]usly influenced by the new geography. In a series of books and papers Hodder and his students, notably[...]oaches to archaeology generally through the field of cultural studies. This produced a predictable clash between the mainly American based supporters of |
| [...]ective, this debate did not focus on the question of landscape but on other issues. This was because u[...]pt was not central to archaeology. A good example of the contrast in focus between human geography and[...]plines there seems to have been little in the way of cross fertilisation between them. This view is b[...]y. The irony is that the only detailed discussion of Marxist/Post-modemist approaches in geography occ[...]aeology (long considered the theoretical dinosaur of archaeology) rather than in Ian Hodder's chapter[...]nary ofArchaeology (Bahn 1992) is "the collection of landforms particular to a region at a particular[...]distinct erosional or depositional process or set of processes". There is no listing for cultural landscape. Clearly the "authorised" version of landscape sees landscape purely in a geomorphological sense with no involvement of humans at all. Human activity occurs on landscape[...]ive text. The general problem seems to be a lack of interest in what is being said on the other side of the disciplinary fence. Yet human geography and a[...]e post-modern challenge, to move to richer levels of meanings and interpretations and to deal with the legacy of positivism. But whereas with the positivist movement of the 1960s at least the archaeologists were readin[...]ee Gamble 1987:228-229). There is little evidence of a dialogue on areas of mutual interest. It is to be regretted that Wagne[...]cultural geographers focus on the social creation of landscapes of more relevance. A specific field of archaeology called Landscape Archaeology has emer[...]d to be another name for the archaeological study of settlement patterns with little attempt to go beyond description and limited conceptualisation of the concept oflandscape (e.g.the papers in Reeves[...]en seen by reviewers as the most advanced example of landscape archaeology (1995). It is 9[...] |
| [...]inly a text that reports on a great project, that of understanding the forces that shaped the Biferno Valley over time. Barker adopted the research orientation of Braudel's "La Mediterranee... " and the other Ann[...]icial and sometimes seem at odds with Barkers aim of integrating and understanding. The last 500 years[...]and its evolution" is exactly the same splitting of the natural and cultural that occurs in most trad[...]been occupied for 730,000 years yet the processes of human activity are discussed in two pages, thin d[...]kdrop providing constraints and opportunities and of course changing, but the emphasis is on the settl[...]dialectical relations between human acts and acts of nature, made manifest in the landscape" (Crumley[...]definition is "a heterogenous land area composed of a cluster of interacting ecosystems that is repeated in simila[...]1986:8-11) and this seems to be the general usage of the term (see Naveh and Liberman 1994 who actuall[...]g and Tangway 1997). The underlying principal is of course that of the "system" or system theory so beloved of the processual archaeologists and geographers of the 1960s. By adopting this approach, the landsca[...]ns included (Ludwig et al. 1997 is a good example of this method). However the actual involvement of humans, either individually or collectively, is masked by the use of terms such as "culture" or "human impact" which act to cover up the actual details of what is thought to have occurred and precludes a detailed understanding. These are, of course, familiar and long standing criticisms of the systems approach, however landscape ecologists seem curiously unaware of such criticisms. For example the book by Naveh an[...]the papers in Crumley (1994) seem much more aware of contemporary questions about "culture" and "natur[...]for some fairly major lapses even if the critique of the ecological paradigm is ignored as the authors apparently have not discovered one word of doubt about the applicability of the srstems approach to humans. I Assuming of course the authors had bothered to read an[...] |
| [...]Crumley seems to see historical ecology as a way of charting the future course of "global action" (1994:8) and yet adopts a methodo[...]approach is not particularly different from that of landscape archaeology, as a comparison between Barker's work in the Biferno valley (1995) and the work of Crumley and Marquardt (1987) in the Burgundian la[...]an approach to landscape analysis and an analysis of the relationships between populations and the lan[...]thern England (1994). Tilley is well known as one of the archaeologists arguing for a post-processual[...]d to some degree he has an equivalent role to one of the new cultural geographers. Tilley is also occupying similar intellectual territory with his rejection of positivist notions of space and spatial analysis (1994:8-10). Tilley ar[...]ticular settings for involvement and the creation of meanings" (1994:11). Adopting the phenomenological approach of the "humanistic" geographers and especially Relph's concept of place Tilley defines the concept of "locales" which are "places created and known thr[...]1994: 18). Locales occur within a broader context of cultural and natural landscapes. Tilley wants his usage of the term landscape to refer to "the physical and visual form of the earth as an environment and as a setting in w[...]eated, reproduced and transformed. The appearance of a landscape is something that is substantial and capable of being described in terms of relief, topography... and so on" (1994:25). Tille[...]posed to natural features) "draw on the qualities of landscape to create part of their significance for those who use them, and the perception of the landscape itself may be fundamentally affected by the very situatedness of these locales" (1994:26). "A landscape has ontolo[...]nts to the fundamental way naming, or the process of creating places, creates both localities and landscapes. The act of naming (or place making) transforms the physical[...]19). The individual can then draw on their stocks of knowledge to give meaning, assurance and signific[...]As an aside, he also mentions that the experience of these places is unlikely to be shared and experienced equally and the understanding and use of places can be controlled and exploited in systems of domination (1994:27). |
| [...]21 Once places are named then the experience of living creates both individual and social memorie[...]iliar place becomes bound up in their experiences of similar places. Moving through a landscape is soc[...]g to a right way to do things. An obvious example of this is Australian farm gate etiquette, although Tilley uses the example of Gabbra camel herders. Movement through the landscape involves drawing on memories of moving through locales and landscapes and applyin[...]After discussing de Certeau's (1984) discussion of the art of walking in which de Certeau drew a detailed analo[...]peech, Tilley defines the path as the inscription of the pedestrian speech act onto the landscape (1994:30). Ajourney through a landscape on a path is one of constantly changing the tactile world. To explain[...]ked about, recounted or inscribed. In the process of moving, the landscape unfolds to the observer. Places are appreciated as part of the moving to and away from. "If places are read[...]each other and through serial movement along axes of paths it follows that an art of understanding of place movement and landscape must fundamentally be a narrative involving a presencing of previous experiences in present contexts" (1994:3[...]Tilley is explicit about confining his perception of landscape to small-scale "traditional landscapes" it seems on the basis of historical evidence that similar processes of naming of locales and linking these with paths (is the social creation of landscapes) occurs within capitalist societies as[...]m city). Relph decried placelessness as a product of capitalism but he did not argue that there were no places in capitalist society. Aspects of Tilley's approach to moving through the landscape[...]a ofthe city and aims to encourage the production of exciting urban form. He developed a concept calle[...]rough a town at a uniform speed, then the scenery of the town is often revealed in a series ofjerks or[...]ool for investigating the three dimensional space of a landscape. Tilley's musings on the Welsh lands[...]th views seem to have merit, it is also a measure of the interest in Tilley's work that he shou[...] |
| [...]r cursed depending on your view) with an increase of landscape studies based on Geographical Informati[...]rices and thus becoming cheaper to use. For those of us who can remember the statistics boom in archae[...]publication, GIS threatens the same problem: lack of consideration of the fundamental principals of the technique. It is a reliefto read Llobera's pa[...]e landscape approach as Tilley and uses the power of GIS to answer questions relating to process in th[...]icular Llobera shows how GIS can look at question of visibility of places and to places also a theme of Tilley's study. Although a preliminary study, this is an important paper in demonstrating the potential of GIS in landscape studies and the care with which[...]applied. To conclude a rather brief run through of archaeological approaches to landscape, a split i[...]ich sees gardens as landscapes, which in the case of individuals, such as "Capability Brown" or Humphe[...]ing as others would see gardens more in the scale of places within a landscape rather than as landscapes themselves. One of the most influential of the more recent archaeological studies of landscape has been the work of Mark Leone (and his students) on the gardens and city of Annapolis, U.S.A. (Leone 1987, 1988). Leone's wor[...]re he reviewed various approaches to the question of recovering mind. Leone is enthusiastic about using materialist (or Marxist) concepts of ideology and the methods of critical self-reflection to recover mind. He particularly places this form of analysis in the arena of historical archaeology as both the present and th[...]deologies. Leone's later work undertaken as part of the Archaeology in Annapolis Project developed th[...]case the garden, and society through the concept of ideology. Ideology (following Aithusser) i[...] |
| [...]23 After discussing the work of Rhys Isaac to provide a context, Leone argues tha[...]and politics and that it did so by using concepts of nature (through measurement and classification) a[...]cing symbols or referents to antiquity at the end of some vistas). This served to mask the contradiction of a person, who was a slave owner, proclaiming his belief in individual liberty. The gist of Leone's argument was later expanded to cover colo[...](Leone and Shackel 1990) as well as other aspects of material behaviour (Leone 1988) and in his most r[...]cal approach to landscape that makes Leone's work of interest to other archaeologists, as well as having obvious parallels to Cosgrove's work on the history of the landscape concept and on Venice and to Daniel[...]tect Humphrey Repton. Nothing is more symptomatic of the gulf between human geography and archaeology than having parallel lines of research in each discipline without apparent (at[...]termined from the published literature) awareness of each other. This does not mean that Leone's posi[...]admitted that in this paper he pushed the concept of ideology to its absolute limit and one might question his use of Althusser in light of the critique of Althusser's work by E.P. Thompson and others. His[...]is concerned. The papers in the "landscape issue" of Historical Archaeology voI.23(1) are mainly conce[...]n hasn't historical archaeology been in some sort of crisis?) because of it's lack of interest in theory, 12 Orser adopts an approach called "mutualism" which forms a key of his research program for historical archaeology. Mutualism focuses on the individual and their web or net of social relations (1996:21-22, 32-33) rather than abstract notions of "culture" or "society". While the abandonment of culture seems not to be such a bad thing, especia[...]per organic view Orser is rejecting, the adoption of mutualism perhaps needs greater thought and consi[...]ften explore landscapes without using any concept of mutuality" 12lnfact Orser in hiS discussion of historical archaeology has ignored the use of theory by such leading figures in the disc[...] |
| [...](1996: 137), by this he is referring to the use of the super-organic view of culture (allegedly by Deetz). In Orser's view lan[...]nstrate his approach Orser analyses the landscape of Gortloose in Ireland but curiously what is presen[...]pressed in the landscape, apart from the building of the odd wall. Thus to a large degree this new app[...]ny new insights. A recently published collection of essays on historical archaeological landscape stu[...]ing symbolic meaning in the landscape and the use of the hermeneutic method in a "dialogue with the pa[...]ultural geography (despite supporting the mapping of cultural traits - very much part of the old school) arguing that both come from a com[...]1996:xv). The papers are a powerful demonstration of the historical archaeological method that uses bo[...]eology, as in cultural geography, the combination of using informed reading of documentary evidence and the analysis of landscapes and their elements seems to be particu[...]to addressing social and cultural interpretations of the past. The main strength of this approach is the ability to establish the context of both documentary evidence and landscape evidence[...]and its contexts to move towards an understanding of the past. CULTURAL LANDSCAPE STUDIES IN AUSTRAL[...]also important in this review to consider the use of the cultural landscape concept in Australia in order to situate this thesis in the context of such studies. The first use of the term "cultural landscape" in Australia was by[...]is presidential address to the Geographic Section of the ANZAAS Conference at the University of Sydney in 1956. Spate, a former student ofH.C. Da[...]short on documentation, he sketched out the theme of the history of Australia's cultural landscapes since the arrival of the first fleet (1956: 177). The cultural landsc[...]the urban. He then invited his audience to think of the pre-contact landscape as "a continent with no straight lines" (1956: 178). Then to think of Australia in the present day (i.e. 1956) with the[...]e points to the widespread and uncompromising use of the grid in Australia. Similarly the ubiquity of corrugated iron is stressed "it has not only been perhaps the most prominent feature of the cultural landscape, but also a very ma[...] |
| [...]forms. Spate notes the individual "personalities" of the capital cities, Sydney's brashness; Melbourne's Victorian exuberance; Adelaide's dignity and so on. After having a go at the sub[...]es the rural settlements rather than the patterns of rural landscapes created by rural industries. The important impression of the rural landscape is one of space. One of the points Spate makes about the cultural landsca[...]landscape (in particular the buildings) in terms of its origin, the genetic approach. Spate would beg[...]tanding the "fossils", noting "there is much more of archaeological interest in Australia than we often think" (1956: 181), an early appreciation of historical archaeology. "In any case, since temporal and spatial variations go hand in hand, the study of settlement patterns is essential to an understanding both of Australian geography and of Australian history" (1956:183) Spate's view of the cultural landscape seems particularly grounded in the notion of cultural landscapes as a settlement pattern. For example in his discussion of precontract and 1956 landscapes he emphasises two[...]lia as Human Setting (Rapoport 1972). Rose's view of what a cultural landscape might be was similar to[...]tural groups and culture without much explanation of their meaning. Rose's analysis was morphological[...]"European" when he claimed the volcanic explosion of European energies during a brief two centuries of time "has swept aside, ignored or obliterated the features of earliest human settlement in this land" (1972:59- 60). An influential case study of an Australian landscape was George Seddon's Swan River Landscapes (1970). Seddon advocated the cause of conserving not only the bush but also the cultura[...]landscapes, which have been modified by the hand of man and divided them into transformational and Acadian. The transformational landscapes are where the "hand of man" is evident, Acadian is where it is concealed[...]ithin each division. Despite the evocative nature of the text and illustrations Seddon was operating in the mode of morphological analysis and clearly had a super-organic view of culture. Calder in "Beyond the View", which attempted to introduce the technical components of landscape analysis to the general public, defined[...]and assessed by investigation and by measurement of its component parts; at the other extreme it focu[...]ed, although their relationships to other details of the area under investigation |
| [...]s (Jeans 1984) seem content to avoid the question of what a historical landscape might be in favour of excellent description and photography. This adoption of the morphological approach is not surprising given the obvious influence of the works of Sauer and Hoskins. The uncritical adoption of the morphological view of cultural landscapes is evident in most of the Australian literature on the subject. Despite some periods of debate on the concept of cultural landscapes, there has been little discussion on its theoretical underpinning. The contribution of the CSIRO's Division of Land Research should not be overlooked in this discussion. By the late 1950s they had derived the concept of land systems which was a method of integrating a board range of environmental factors into units of land systems that shared important characteristics. A land system unit did not stop at the surface of the earth but included the underlying geology and[...]is Jeans and historian Ian Jack, all based at the University of Sydney. The collaboration was developed in the context of the archaeology department's refusal to teach his[...]These books were very much guides to the remains of specific industries and based on the concept of "occupance" introduced by Jeans. "Occupance corre[...]rises not only the production plant but the range of artefacts needed to support it. Any centre of specialist industry presupposes a complete landscape of artefacts organised to support that industry" (Birmingham, Jeans and Jack 1979:8). One of the great disappointments of these works is that having got an interdisciplina[...]echnological history aspect rather than landscape of occupance. Two more substantive studies o[...] |
| [...]undertook research in the Lanyon-Lambrigg area of the Australian Capital Territory (1987a, 1987b). Russell's work focuses on the assessment and preservation of cultural landscapes which he sees as rural landscapes. There was however little discussion of what a cultural landscape was, Russell by default, adopting the view of authors such as Melnick which ultimately means he uncritically adopts the morphological approach of the American cultural geographers. Ironically, in a subsequent article, Russell advocates the role of cultural landscapes in "accessing the richness of culture s past" (1993:37) however such an approach remains limited by Russell's conception of the landscape. Taylor's work combined both indiv[...]s as well as practical work on landscapes as part of a team. Taylor drew upon the work on identifying[...]rew on the standard cultural geographer's concept of a landscape (see Melnick 1987). Taylor was also i[...]on ofOrdinary Landscapes in particular the papers of Lewis and Menig as well as Menig's assessment of the works of Hoskins and 1. B. Jackson (Menig's work is discus[...], the Australian Heritage Commission ran a series of seminars on issues to do with identifying and reg[...]rated by the seminars 15 lead to the organisation of a conference on cultural landscapes by ICOMOS Aus[...], it seems that there was a remarkable uniformity of definition concerning what cultural landscapes were and how to preserve them. This reflects the influence of the previous seminars and the understandably utilitarian approach of heritage practitioners in adopting the available methodology of Melnick (see Armstrong and Truscott 1989; Blair a[...]ublished which both advocate the similar concepts of landscape although the actual definition of the concept is not pursued in depth (McCann 1993,[...]little attempt to go beyond the surface recording of landscape morphology and look at the landscape in[...]oflandscape recording is occurring in the context of the social and political struggle to get signific[...]ion at this time was McConville's landscape study of the Berry Deep Leads in Central Victoria which was intended as a demonstration of how to study a landscape. He presented his study to a seminar at the ational Trust of Victoria. McConville took the view that landscape[...]e mainly interesting in their detailed discussion of individual landscapes or items within the landsca[...]n apparently interested in broadening the concept of landscape (Stuart 1997). |
| [...]in Nga Uruoa (1995) presents a similar discussion of landscape, ecology, and history for ew Zealand, a[...]tanding past landscapes. To summarise, the study of cultural landscapes in Australia has uncritically adopted the morphological approach of Sauer and Hoskins, in particular as filtered through the work of Melnick on rural landscape assessment for the US National Parks Service. The lack of critical awareness has not resulted in any partic[...]rphological approach is suitable for the purposes of heritage management. However as has been argued e[...]approach needs to be taken. Returning to the aim of the thesis, that of understanding squatting landscapes, the review of cultural landscape studies suggests that adoption of a purely morphological approach is entirely practical, in that surviving elements of the squatting landscape could be identified and recorded. Indeed some of this work has been done for example by Cannon (19[...]an (1980, 1982). However, if deeper understanding of the squatting and squatting landscapes is the aim[...]urface evidence rather than revealing the process of change over time. Approaches to understanding ch[...]ne. These approaches offer a deeper understanding of landscape through consideration of social and cultural factors and processes such as[...]n and adopt a broadly hermeneutic method as a way of reaching a deeper understanding and interpretation of the landscape. In a sense, they aim to focus on b[...]ing this view as providing a deeper understanding of the past. There is no right methodology for landscape studies - only a choice of alternatives which can be best used as part of an hermeneutic approach to landscapes, in which each alternative is used to give a differing perspective of the central issue. This is not to say that anythi[...]early if one is aiming for a deeper understanding of the past, then there is a need for usual tools of landscape analysis such as identification, descri[...]o an important need to understand how the methods of landscape analysis structure and control the resu[...]ic one. The aim is to examine the research themes of "pioneering", "from squatter to squattocracy" and[...]help form the landscape and the broad environment of South-Eastern Australia can be examined. Specific analysis of squatting landscapes at the small scale is undert[...]first case study is on Lanyon, where the creation of a pioneering squatting landscape and the t[...] |
| [...]r husbanding his run and dealing with the process of selection on the run. These case studies aim to s[...]at the local level. METHODOLOGY The analysis of landscapes used in the case studies has been undertaken by adapting the methodology of Keller and Keller (1987), Melnick (1984, 1987) an[...]ogy, although orientated towards the requirements of the U.S. National Parks Service, is a useful meth[...]re "tangible evidence ofthe activities and habits of the people who occupied, developed, used, and sha[...]cs are identified and recorded as a static record of the cultural landscape. The way to change this st[...]eristics and the landscape wholistically in terms of the research themes outlined earlier. A processua[...]ndertake this by moulding the discussion in terms of a testable hypothesis which the evaluation of these landscape characteristics could test. This[...]uld only work if the characteristics were capable of only simple causal relationships and indeed this[...]tools or faunal studies where the characteristics of the material studied is governed by simple physic[...]t is rich in explanation and interpretation, many of which may be simultaneously true. Thus while some form of verification can be made by testing the logic of the line of argument or the evidential support for the argume[...]into a dense contextual layer so that the reading of the landscape characteristics can be undertaken w[...]ructed or developed. From an archaeological point of view, this exploits the advantage of having the historical record as well as the archaeological record so that some understanding of why landscape characteristics were created[...] |
| [...]d both the research issues and the practicalities of data collection. It is also important to consider where the use of the criteria are leading the analysis, as inevitably adopting a set of criteria emphasises one line of analysis at the expense of others. Making this choice has to be an overt dec[...]ese have been modified by removing the categories of archaeological sites and small scale elements. Ar[...]egory at best and so was discarded. The category of Gardens has been added, as gardens seemed separate from the broader characteristic of vegetation relating to land use. Gardens used not[...]The characteristics to be "read" in the context of the research questions are therefore: 1) Land Uses and Activities. 2) Patterns of Spatial Organisation. 3) Responses to[...]"Reading" Process The first stage in the process of investigating a landscape under the Melnick methodology, is one of establishing the landscape to be studied and its boundaries over time. Landscapes are defined by a multitude of boundaries: political, economic, social, natural,[...]the start. Importantly, the relative permeability of each boundary needs to be evaluated. In the context of squatting, the bounded unit of analysis is the squatter's run. These were legall[...]landscapes. Archaeological sites are in fact part of that landscape. |
| [...]31 defined entities but of course runs are added or separated so that the ru[...]runs were administered by the Government, records of squatting runs for NSW were largely destroyed in[...]en Palace fire. IS The fire destroyed the records of the "Occupation branch" of the Mines Department, which at that time administ[...]848 to 1882. Personal records and company records of individual squatters can make up part of this gap. Most of the underlying historical research to support Cha[...]ly the Archive Office ofNSW). The series consists of Conditional Purchase Registers, Lands Department[...]e Registers and Correspondence files. Each piece of correspondence is listed in the Conditional Purch[...]pondence Registers. In order to trace the history of a piece of land, the conditional purchase number was obtaine[...]sh map or from the applicant's index in the front of the Conditional Purchase Register. The entry in t[...]ence numbers were recorded, and then the sequence of correspondence was searched through the Correspon[...]but often they do not list file numbers. A degree of intuition and guesswork was required to obtain th[...]ten summary in MS-Word. Photocopies and printouts of the summary and search notes were filed in lever[...]activities mostly on Cuppacumbalong. A microfilm of the diary is held in the National Library of Australia. Diary entries from 1869 - 1882[...] |
| [...]There is no substitute for field walking as a way of recording infonnation about a landscape and to ge[...]le stage so that during documentary research some of the inevitable ambiguities of the documentary record can be identified and resolved. Later I developed the habit of driving to Melbourne through the study area, whic[...]for how the landscape was and to build up a kind of empathy for the landscape. More systematic surveys were undertaken with the aim of identifying and recording the landscape character[...]pecific items such as hut sites. The description of landfonn, soils, vegetation has been systematised[...]ough somewhat complex, is at least a valuable way of describing (and to some extent explaining) the "n[...]Arthur (Davies and Buckley 1987). Photography was of course important, not only to record specific fea[...]research. The actual process is to take a number of "readings" of the landscape using the Melnick characteristics as a way of consistently recording or interpreting each landscape. Using the combination of landscape characteristics and situating them in time allowed a chronological reading of the landscape in which transfonnations from one landscape to another are seen. The understanding of these changes can be related to the ever-increasi[...]ical research undertaken. Thus, the understanding of the landscape gets "thicker" in the Geertzian sense, as more lines of evidence are examined. Co CLUSIO "Cultural la[...]has remained largely unchallenged. 19 The concept of cultural landscapes has proven to be of long lasting usefulness in helping researchers un[...]Two broad analytical frameworks for the analysis of landscape are currently in use. The morphological analysis of cultural landscapes has proved useful in identify[...]atural" and "cultural" landscapes. In the context of Australia which has at least 50,000+ years of human history and interaction with the environmen[...]s as there has not been a "natural" (in the sense of untouched by humans) landscape for at leas[...] |
| [...]33 non-trivial manner) of these items and features. The result has been a listing of "cultural traits" such as vernacular houses, log[...]t attempts at explanation have been limited. Part of the underlying reason for this difficulty has been the adoption of the 'super-organic' view of culture. While in more recent studies the super-o[...]systems theory, these often have the same effect of obscuring the effects of social and political elements in creating the lan[...]ogical analysis to achieve a deeper understanding of past landscapes. These approaches have focused on[...]re is also an approach that explains ofthe impact of the physical landscape and how it is constructed[...]terms to further political and economic positions of various groups in society. It is these approaches that promise ultimately to allow a deeper understanding of squatting landscapes by moving beyond the[...] |
| [...]TRALIA TO 1850: PIONEERING AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SQUATTOCRACY |
| [...]35 "So silently one by one, men of great force and endurance, with the sun and[...](1930) I TRODUCTIO This chapter, the first of two giving a broad context for squatting landscap[...]ia, looks at the processes behind the development of squatting from its origins in the 1820s to the 1850s by which time most of the grasslands in South-Eastern Australia had bee[...]he Crown. This was the "classic" pioneering phase of squatting typified by the quotation at the top of the page from one of the early historians of squatting. The chapter is structured to give a b[...]themes. The chapter begins with a brief overview of farming in NSW and Tasmania and a discussion of the emergence of the wool industry as an important industry in Australia. The expansion of farming to the limits of location is outlined and the role of the limits in Colonial land policy is established[...]n beyond the limits is delineated, as is the role of squatting in forcing the Government to legalise settlement beyond the limits. The two great struggles of the 1840s: to survive the depression, and to obta[...]ally, the narrative section considers the process of consolidation during the 1840s. The chapter then[...]imal impact on the landscape. However, this phase of pioneering was short lived for, despite their lack of tenure, squatters quickly invested in such items[...]olsheds and improved housing. A detailed analysis of the development of one run is used to demonstrate that squatters als[...]lish their respectability through the development of comfortable huts and neat gardens. Working at a[...]apter brings together material from various lines of research. These are often treated by dividing them into areas of separate research (politics, land law, geography, history of sheep, economic history, environmental history) w[...]hey all form important parts in the understanding of the processes underlying the formation of squatting landscapes. |
| [...]lands using convicts as well as building up herds of animals to provide fresh meat. The emphasis on es[...]rprising as Botany Bay was a long way from points of resupply such as England or India and the Cape of Good Hope. Not surprisingly, the lack of skilled agriculturalists, poor tools and total lack of knowledge about Port Jackson's environment meant[...]mpts were unsuccessful. After the initial failure of the first crop in 1788, agriculture was moved to[...]ernment fanning developed until it reached a peak of 1,014 acres in 1792 (Fletcher 1976:27). At the sa[...]e had "sowed the first grain".2Io The development of private farming marked a change in government att[...]ing former soldiers and convicts to obtain grants of land as freehold. This policy has been described as a spur of the moment decision that was aimed at solving the problem of what to do with the convicts once their time had expired (Butlin 1969:3). Apparently, the return of the convicts to Britain was not seen as an option[...]rants in 1790. However, the number and experience of free settlers, who began arriving in 1793, was po[...]lip was concerned about the obvious disadvantages of granting land to form a wide, dispersed settlement across the Cumberland Plain. In 1794, settlement of the Hawkesbury River was allowed by the acting Go[...]from the river. However despite the disadvantage of flood, Fletcher notes "the Hawkesbury quickly eme[...]g centre, so superior were its resources to those of any other known part" (1976: 195). Settlement also expanded along the shores of Sydney Harbour and the Parramatta River as well as in areas such as Prospect and Castle Hill. Most of the land granted was in comparatively small allotments (Fletcher suggests a common size of 30 to 50 acres 1976:54). Shortly after Phillip's[...]ctions to Governor Phillip, in Historical Records of Australia (HRA) 1(1): 11-13 21 E Pltaph on[...] |
| [...]37 grants were made to the Officers of the Corps. From 1793, through illicit trading act[...]ited having access to foreign exchange, positions of trust in the colony which they could exploit for[...]ere prominent fanners holding between 30% and 17% of land cropped between 1793 and 1802. After about 1[...]cern with their trading activities and the growth of civilian merchants such as Robert Campbell and em[...]ing industry) resulted in the comparative decline of the Officer's economic power in the Colony. The history of livestock breeding in Australia begins with the arrival of stock with the First Fleet, although there is no record of how many beasts actually survived the voyage. By[...]n fact, showing unusual bovine intelligence, most of the cattle had abandoned their convict herdsman by mid-1788 and settled on pastures beyond the reach of the colony. Governor Hunter stumbled on a herd of some 60 cattle beyond the Nepean River, at an are[...]inancial outlay. Fletcher notes that the Officers of the NSW Corps began to concentrate on cattle and[...]out 1800 onwards (Fletcher 1976:70). The purpose of developing the livestock was of course to provide fresh meat to the colony and sa[...]arket). The Governors were also importing numbers of livestock from the Cape and India. Even so there[...]y pigs, goats, milk cows, and so on - the numbers of stock would have been quite small. To run large h[...]and Gentry than farming with all its implications of dirt and sweaty labour and close associati[...] |
| [...]land Plain (after Jeans 1972) The broad pattern of settlement during this period can be characterise[...]ur. The small farms were spread along the courses of the rivers where fertile soil could be found. There were a few larger farms, which were mixed grazing of cattle and some sheep and cultivation. These larg[...]e up to 3000 acres. Larger estates included those of Marsden at Mamre, Jamison at Regentville, Cox at[...]and at Luddenham as well as the well known estate of John Macarthur's at Camden, formerly the Cowpastures (see Perry 1963:22- 25). A 3000 acre farm is still of such a size that it can be walked across and admi[...]eturning each night. This seems to be the pattern of grazing, although as Blair and Claoue-Long note c[...]n poorly documented (1993b:83) so precise details of the actual landscapes are unknown. 24 The expansion of pastoral estates however soon ran into the physical constraints of the Cumberland Plains. This plain lies to the west of Sydney Cove and is bounded on all sides by terrai[...]country 24There have been no published studies of early convict farms from this period although evidence of farming does exist at Parramatta Park. |
| [...]he settlement as it ran virtually around the edge of the Cumberland Plain. I TRODUCTlO OF SHEEP TO AUSTRALIA Generally, there are two us[...]meat the other is to provide wool. The conversion of wool into fabric involves the production of yam by twisting the wool fibres and the weaving or knitting of the yam into a fabric. There are two main processes of producing yam - woollen or worsted. The woollen p[...]cks From the Australian perspective, the history of sheep can conveniently begin in eighteenth centur[...]ol to the British woollen industry. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the fine wool industry wa[...]a fine wool carrying sheep with a suitable amount of mutton on it. By the late 1700s, the British woollen industry obtained much of its fine wool from overseas countries such as Spa[...]sh breeding program based on merinos smuggled out of Spain and supported by George III. Sir Joseph Ban[...]the Reliance and the SuppZv were sent to the Cape of Good Hope to buy supplies for Sydney. The ships masters, Captain Waterhouse of Supply and Captain Kent of Reliance were offered merinos from the flock of the late Governor, Colonel Gordon, whose widow wa[...]rn to Britain. These merinos were the descendants of those given to the Dutch Governor by the King of Spain in 1789 (Ryder 1983:575). Waterhouse and Ke[...]ware that this is a rather superficial discussion of Bank's role as a scientist, see Gascoigne[...] |
| [...]40 en-route to Sydney but 10 of Waterhouse's survived. These were distributed wit[...]16/07/1806 in Carter 1979:457-458). The history of sheep breeding in early Australia is rather confu[...]ixed with the argument about who was the "father" of the Australian wool industry. Various candidates[...]e alternatively praised or dismissed on the basis of some rather fragmentary historical evidence about the nature and quality of their sheep. The basic point is that the Australian sheep of that time came from a variety of sources including the merinos that Waterhouse had[...]n 1805, merinos apparently captured off the coast of Peru around 1804, merinos that accompanied the Bl[...]. For example, Marsden the chaplain to the Colony of New South Wales, crossed his merinos with sheep from the Cape of Good Hope and India with the aim of producing dual-purpose meat/wool sheep adapted to[...]Australian merino type. From the evident success of some Australian wool in the English market it appears that the introduction of fine wool genes via the merino was successfully a[...]1962). It is not precisely clear how the concept of a market for wool rather than for mutton develope[...]Sir Joseph Banks to learn about the requirements of the English market and how they could improve the[...]would have been fulfilling the evangelical ideals of improvement and industry in his activity.[...]ember 1855, was colonised in 1803 as an off-shoot of SW with the aim of preventing any French ambitions in the Southern O[...]in mutton prices (Hartwell 1954: 11 0). An import of quality sheep occurred 26 H ence V an d'J[...] |
| [...]41 in 1820 with the arrival of 181 sheep, again from Macarthur's flock. The Gove[...]in Tasmania grew rapidly. Cox has noted that one of the unique features of the early Van Dieman's Land wool industry was tha[...]using Saxon stock (Cox 1936:20-28). Development of the Australian wool industry Abbot's "The Pastoral Age: A re-examination' (1971) is the culmination of the historical debate on the nature of the early wool industry conducted between various[...]in the 1960s. Abbott neatly avoided the question of "the Father" and points to a variety of factors that made grazing and sheep farming of interest to landowners. Although small samples of wool had been sent to England, it was really the combination of declining meat prices in NSW between 1816 and 1819, and the extraordinary profits of speculative wool cargoes sent to England in 1811-12 that spurred the development of wool production (Abbott 1971 :34-35). The initial[...]arwood 1977: 133-134). As the traditional sources of wool for the English market, Spain, and Saxony, were in the midst of the Napoleonic wars, supply disruptions may have[...]nd 1817 (Abbott 1971 :38-39). Once the shortages of the wars were over, more attention was paid to the quality of the fleeces in the mills and prices dropped excep[...]tion to Australia on the quality and presentation of the fleeces. Abbott argued that from 1818 onwards[...]he costs involved in the production and marketing of wool in London" (1971 :41). The graziers in their[...]stry as a useful answer to the perennial question of what to do with the convicts once their sentences had expired. Even so, in 1821 wool remained a small part of the English market and a small part of Australia's exports. There was also increased English interest in the potential of Australia as a source for wool. The most notable expressions of this were the establishment of the Australian Agricultural Company and the Van D[...]English market and each were reliant on promises of cheap convict labour and large land grants from a[...]27 This was an inquiry into the administration of the Colony conducted in 1819-1820. |
| [...]. The Australian Agricultural company had capital of £1,000, 000 and was entitled to grants ofland up[...]8). The Van Dieman's Land Company received grants of 500,000 acres in north-west Tasmania (Murray 1988:101). Both companies competed for the supply of breeding sheep. The Australian Agricultural Compa[...]ived its charter in 1824, became a major importer of Saxon rams from 1824. Between 1825 and 1827 some[...]h Wales was well equipped with increasing quality of flocks, new pastures being opened up and a good m[...]:47). This view was supported by the publication of Commissioner Bigge's reports in London in 1822-23 in which the advantages of the wool industry in New South Wales was stressed. EXPA SIO TO THE LIMITS OF LOCATIO When Governor Brisbane arrived in 1821[...]grant from the Governor and there was a shortage of land for grazing. Brisbane attempted to improve t[...]y increasing land prices 28 but due to a shortage of surveyors 29 Brisbane was forced to continue Governor Macquarie's practice of issuing "tickets of occupation" which allowed occupation of land prior to sale (Abbott 1971: 128-130; Perry 1[...]The land shortage was rectified by the expansion of the settlement beyond the Cumberland Plain. West of the Blue Mountains Settlement had reached across the Blue Mountains following the successful explorations of Blaxland, Lawson, and Wentworth (1813) and survey of Evans (1813- 14) which had established the presence of forest land beyond the rugged terrain of the Blue Mountains. Governor Macquarie authorised the construction of a road across the Mountains in 1814. In April 181[...]ife crossed the Mountains and arrived at the site of Bathurst, which they named and set out. A small s[...]ale cultivation began. At the same time, a number of settlers took flocks over the mountains on a semi[...]es that by 1820 there were some 19,453 sheep west of the Blue Mountains (1963:84). 28 A quit rent[...]anted and there always was a considerable backlog of land waiting to be surveyed. |
| [...]r Figure 3.2 Settlement west of the Blue Mountains (after Perry 1963) The sudden influx of settlement over the mountains forced the Aborigin[...]invaders. From 1822, the Wiradjuri began a series of attacks on sheep flocks and shepherds. Fry reports a series of attacks resulting in some 20 hutkeepers and sheph[...](1993 :33). It is difficult to assess the nature of these attacks as the settlers tended to exaggerat[...]ibed by Perry as the principal sheep raising area of the colony in the 1820s (1963 :88). Cultivation ofland was only for local production largely because of the difficult road over the mountains and consequent high transport costs (both in terms of time and money) to take produce to Sydney for sal[...]analysed by Perry shows that there were two types of farm: small farms run by ex-convicts and l[...] |
| [...]44 The area to the south west of Sydney was known as the "Cow Pastures" and was re[...]from the mid-1820s, The evidence for the nature of settlement in this area is complicated, as the co[...]ensus returns. Perry notes the general similarity of the settlement size with other districts but note[...]ck on Crown Land. There was also a greater number of cattle which were more suited to the land around[...]'" Figure 3.3 Exploring South West of Sydney (after Andrews 1999) |
| [...]Wallis's Plains from 1812 (to the immediate west of ewcastle along the Hunter River). These were located at the lower end of the Hunter Valley, which was characterised by the meandering course of the river and numerous swamps and dense rainfores[...]ound there were first occupied and, by 1825, much of the plains had been granted to settlers. This prompted a series of attacks by the Wonnarua on shepherds and farm wor[...]military (Milliss 1994:54-66). Perry's analysis of the 1828 census shows that there were 191 farms in the Hunter Valley. Of these 50% were greater in area than 1000 acres and took up the majority of land (91.5%). Some 18% of the farms were under 100 acres and 33% were between 100 and 999 acres occupying 8.1% of the valley (Perry 1963:Table 12). Perry has noted[...]er cultivation but these only formed a small part of the overall holding (2% according to Perry). The[...]any sheep as cattle. According to Perry's mapping of grants the smaller farms were located on small patches of alluvial land along the Hunter River particularly in the east of the Valley while the larger grazing farms were lo[...]he Illawarra region. As well, there were a number of small settlements of sealers and later whalers on the Victorian coast[...]Abbott 1971: 130). The reform introduced a system of both grants and land sales as well as the renting of Crown Lands adjacent to freehold property (Abbott[...]o counties and parishes resulting in the creation of the "limits oflocation", the boundaries of the ineteen Counties (Perry 1963 :45-46). These have been seen by some as a form of "iron curtain" but as Perry (1963 :46) poi[...] |
| [...]Hunter Valley (after Perry 1963) The Limits of Location The wool industry reached a peak in 1826, a year of intense economic speculation in sheep and cattle (Abbott 1971:57-59). The onset of a drought in 1827 (which lasted several years) and a decline in wool prices from 1828 reduced some of the investment in wool. This caused a recession and many colonists became insolvent and the flow of immigrants slowed to a trickle. However by 18[...]ces began to climb higher, prompting another wave of immigration. The demand for land and thus the ever-increasing spread of settlement was underpinned by the increasing success of the wool industry and the need to find good grazi[...]at attracted high prices, most clips were not of that quality and so profits were hard to come by, but this point was obscured in the general feeling of optimism. By 1828, settlement had reached the boundaries of the limits and the continuing success of grazing was requiring that even more land be foun[...]implemented the so-called "Ripon" regulations of 1831. The regulations were aimed at concentrating settlement within the limits of location and regularising the forms of |
| [...]Figure 3.5 The Limits of Location occupation. As such, they have been[...]ecting to some extent the settlement theories of Edward Gibbon Wakefield in his A Letter from Sydn[...]in 1829. Wakefield argued for a denser level of settlement and higher land prices (Jeans 1975[...]1929 [1829]). Wakefield's views had a great deal of influence in Westminster despite the fact tha[...]ll land was to be sold with the reserve price of 5/- per acre (no credit). Revenue from the land s[...]sponsor immigration. Land outside the "limits of location" was not for sale, lease, or grant. The policy of containing settlement within the limits could only work if the "limits of location" was a strong boundary. There were a[...]ld potentially hold back settlement. In terms of economic geography, settlement in the late 1820s was at the end of a long track back to Sydney. Theoretically, this would have limited the economic utility of cultivation as the largest market was weeks of travel away. Grazing sheep and cattle for mea[...]rgument supporting the notion that the limits of location might have been an effective barrier[...]arket for agricultural produce. But the advantage of wool as a product was its durability:[...] |
| [...]48 More importantly in tenns of landscape, the limits were drawn almost at the start of the plains stretching enticingly out west from the barrier of the Great Dividing Range. Even today you can stan[...]nment itself that officially breached the "limits of location" when, in 1831, it allowed the Australia[...]ful pastoral industry was too much for the system of colonial land regulations to cope with. Neither G[...]dilemma. As the men on the spot, they were aware of the importance of the wool industry to the colony. Yet they also ha[...]instructions from the British Government, fearful of increased expenditure of the colonies and influenced by Wakefieldian theor[...]on, to contain settlement. 30 Despite the variety of regulations introduced in 1828, 1831 and 1833, with the ban on settlement outside the limits of location, sheep farmers were forced, if they were[...]e the colonies fonnal boundaries. The land policy of the Colonial Office was inevitably doomed in the face of a successful pastoral industry requiring of necessity a dispersed settlement and the lack of any physical, economic or military force to preve[...]ernors knew this as well but had to make the best of it. THE SQUATTING OCCUPATIO OF SOUTH-EASTERN AUSTRALIA With the expansion of pastoral settlement beyond the limits of location, the "Squatting Age" had begun. There was no official sanction of settlement beyond these limits and so all settlement beyond was squatting on Crown Land. It is this lack of sanction that makes it difficult to establish pre[...]land at Duntroon on the Limestone Plains (County of Murray within the limits) where he established a[...]tablished a squatting run Delegate at the far end of the Monaro Tablelands (see Andrews 1979:136) yet[...]his "A Letterji-om Sydney" against the dispersal of settlement as being uneconomic and proposed a com[...]uing that it was speculative and that over supply of wool would keep wool prices below a profitable le[...]s "clear, the remedies appropriate and the method of presentation entertaining" (l928:ix). I suspect that means of reducing colonial expenditure was bound to be of interest to the Colonial Office and the virtues M[...]o Wakefield's writing served to help the adoption of his ideas. |
| [...]LIMITS OF SETTLEMENT IN[...]o 1848·9 rents of runs 1848.9 Figure 3.6 Standard Squatting Settlement Map of New South Wales[...] |
| [...]50 of the run nor why it was located so far away in cou[...]It must also be noted that there is a great deal of variation in the histories of the initial squatting settlement. The history of expansion from the Hunter into the Liverpool Plai[...]olls 1984) yet there seems almost nothing written of squatting west of the Bathurst area with historians relying mainly[...]after squatting had begun. There is a great deal of material on squatting from Victoria. Squatters we[...]tters from Victorian Pioneers". The reminiscences of other pioneers are readily available as well as the six volumes of the Clyde Company Papers. Also, the government re[...]incineration in the Garden Palace fire - the fate of the NSW squatting files. For these reasons, the history of squatting has a distinctly Victorian flavour as[...]m. Given these difficulties and the immense size of the land the squatters moved into it is hard to write a coherent account of squatting settlement. This section attempts a brief survey of the squatting expansion organised according to br[...]squatting runs were established. The standard map of squatting expansion in South-Eastern Australia can be found as Figure 3.6, this gives a broad scale view of the process of squatting settlement. The Monaro Tablelands South of the Southern Highlands are a series of grassy plains, which were explored from 1818 onwa[...]the mid-1820s. As this land was within the limits of location, the land was granted. Further south, beyond the limits are the Monaro Tablelands, a series of rolling tablelands between the Great Dividing Ran[...]learned from the Aborigines he met that the name of the land was Monaroo. Andrews has recently discussed the question of the earliest settlement on the Monaro (1998). He[...]ty was established by 1827 and Cooma in the heart of the Monaro by 1828 (1998:95-96). Andrews discount[...]established Delegate (located at the southern end of the Plains) by 1826 considering that perhaps the[...]1827 and 1832 squatting runs covered the majority of Monaro and squatters had penetrated throug[...] |
| [...]ows: "Already have the flocks and herds of the Colonists spread themselves over a large portion of this southern Country. They are to be found in great numbers in Monarro Plains to the westward of Twofold Bay, and some are said to roam a[...]urrumbidgee and into Victoria in 1824. The limits of location ran through Browning Hill (a very promin[...]on the hill you can see the plains and the course of the Murrumbidgee so it was really easy to head |
| [...]ablished a run further downstream at the junction of the Murrumbidgee and Twnut Rivers (now Gundagai)[...]ins. Thus, the squatters were on the eastern edge of a vast area of plain although the extent of the plain was as yet unknown. The eastern end of the plain was mainly open woodland but as one mov[...]omes more difficult to find. Sturt traversed much of this country in his exploration and his report wa[...]th 1968: 102). Thus while Sturt mapped the course of the Murrumbidgee to its junction with the[...] |
| [...]w Wagga Wagga. Gammage notes the rapid settlement of land on the Murrumbidgee near arrandera by a number of sons of emancipist farmers from the Airds district. He comments "by the end of 1833 the entire Narrandera frontage had thus been[...]986:30). This took settlement right onto the edge of the salt bush plains. There Langford-Smith sugges[...]Settlement in the hilly areas immediately south of Gundagai was much slower. Major Mitchell on his return from "Australia Felix" found traces of cattle and the tracks of a gig on the northern bank of the Murray on 24th October 1836. He was actively looking for squatters after hearing rumours of settlement having reached the Murray. However, it was another six days of travel before his party reached a squatting run on the Murrumbidgee. Undoubtedly, the reason for this lack of settlement was that the terrain and drainage runs[...]d Murray Rivers and squatters took the easy route of following the terrain rather than going over the[...]rpool Ranges. Once over the ranges the headwaters of streams run north west into the Namoi River system which ultimately form the headwaters of the Darling river system. This area was later cal[...]24 Henry Dangar while on duty surveying the farms of the Upper Hunter Valley made several short[...] |
| [...]d him. In late 1826 William Nowland took 100 head of cattle from Fal Brook over Dart Brook Pass and be[...]g the Liverpool Plains from the south as a series of squatting runs were established based on their grants within the limits of location in the Bathurst - Mudgee area. By 1829[...]ved down to the Mooki River near the current town of Quirindi and on the Peel River where Tamworth wou[...]ge, squatters had only settled as far as the site of Tamworth. Mitchell explored parts of the Namoi River then moved north and located the[...]2 squatting runs were established at the junction of Cox's Creek and the Namoi and by 1833 a number of runs were established along the Namoi (Rol[...] |
| [...]55 Many of these runs were from squatters dispersed by the A[...]988, Rolls 1984:101-103). This displaced a number of squatters who then squatted further down the Namo[...]ters were all along the river to the present town of Moree. Similar squatting runs were established al[...]tween the rivers was not taken up due to the lack of water. Aboriginal resistance however truncated s[...]Squatting runs were taken up in the upper reaches of the Macquarie and Bogan rivers between 1835 and 1[...]tember 1841 Aborigines attacked his men and three of them were killed. This required an expedition by the Mounted Police in which a number of Aborigines were killed and captured. Governor Gip[...]s licence no doubt because he saw Lee's disregard of instructions as the cause of the trouble (Heathcote 1965:95; Jervisl956a, 1956[...]t remained until 1858 no doubt helped by the lack of water in the region. ew England Tablelands By 1832, squatting had reached the southern edge of the New England Tablelands (Walker 1966:11). The[...]stern (seaward) side they are bounded by a series of steep escarpments and broken ranges. To the west,[...]y until it joins the western plains. The altitude of the plains is around 1200m above sea level (Jeans[...]rassland with numerous granite boulders and areas of light timbering. Early settlers considered it too[...]that "grass fires were already a common feature" of the Tablelands at contact although Norton considers that they were caused by "the careless attitude of aborigines" rather than considering that they might have been part of a deliberate pattern (1971 :7). |
| [...]ese two events are generally held to be the start of squatting on the New England Tablelands. By 1835[...]1999:15). By 1840 Tenterfield at the northern end of the Tablelands had been occupied. Land to the west (to the east were the hills and rainforests of the Great Dividing Range) was occupied along the western margins of the New England Tablelands. Bundarra had been tak[...]by the Aborigines and by 1837 there were a series of attacks on shepherds and reprisals (Ferry 1999: 1[...]ry region for race relations pointing to the acts of disposition both physical and in terms of the language used to discuss settlement in New En[...]from Beardys Plains. Leslie was armed with a copy of Cunningham's map of his 1827 route across the Downs (French 1994:27).[...]sloping gently to the west meeting the headwaters of the Darling River. The Darling Downs were elevate[...]der ewes, 2 bullock teams and draws and 22 ticket of leave convicts. This crowd took a month to move t[...]at Toolbuna (French 1994:32-33). Rapid settlement of the Darling Downs followed thereafter. |
| [...]on the Darling Downs and New England Settlement of Victoria By the early 1830s, Victoria was surrou[...]h settlements along the Murrumbidgee, on the edge of the Monaro, into East Gippsland along the route of the Snowy river and along the coastal fringe south of Twofold Bay. As well, the available land for shee[...]ad all been granted and there was a real shortage of suitable land, There are a great many landform a[...]on types in Victoria but a simplified description of the landscape at settlement is useful in understanding the pattern of settlement. The northern boundary of Victoria is the Murray River which runs roughly north west from its headwaters on the edge of the Monaro Plains. A series of alluvial plains are found running west from Albur[...]hing south by up to 100km until the northern edge of the Great Dividing Range is met. These plains were vegetated by a mixture of open woodland and grassland. Further to the west along the Murray are a series of aeolian plains (i.e. sand dunes) covered b[...] |
| [...]from Port Phillip Bay west to the coastal swamps of the Coorong. There is a narrow coastal plain. In[...]ange running parallel to the coast and consisting of cool temperate rainforest. The volcanic plains in[...]grassland or savanna woodland mixed with a series of swamps, wetlands and small rivers. They are notable for volcanic cones and areas of lava flows known as Stony Rises. The Great Divid[...]ds at the Dundas Plateau, runs through the middle of Victoria. In the Western half of Victoria the ranges are not particularly high or[...]e is higher and wetter leading to the development of closed forests and rainforests with Alpine plain[...]t Dividing Ranges is the La Trobe valley, an area of open forests and grasslands along the valley of the La Trobe River. There is a definite coastal z[...]overed with cool temperate rainforest. The coast of Victoria was well known as from the early 1800s it had been the site of a number of sealers camps and had been well explored by parti[...]l Merinos (descendants from the Royal Flock) some of which they exported to NSW. Following the decline[...]ties in Australia. Seduced by Stirling's accounts of the Swan River they began the move there in 1829.[...]or sheep they moved on to Tasmania in 1832, which of course had little to offer in the way of cheap land as they arrived just after the ending of free land grants. Traditional accounts of the Hentys (eg. Bassett 1962) emphasise their she[...]rchandise and banking. In this, they were typical of merchants rather than the general run of squatters (Forth 1984 also makes this point). Th[...]e successful in establishing as the founding date of Victoria. The farm that the Hentys established was a mixture of cultivation and grazing with about 800 she[...] |
| [...]Figure 3.11 Settlement of Victoria (after Powell 1974) |
| [...]ablishment farming rich volcanic soil at the foot of the Tower Hill volcano. Both the Henty and Griffith farming establishments also served the purpose of keeping the specialised whaling crews intact by g[...]borigines that purported to sell him 60,000 acres of prime grazing land along the Western side of Port Phillip. Batman established a camp at Indent[...]first sheep arrived in November 1835 and a number of runs were taken up. The final act in the initial settlement of Victoria was the exploration of Major Mitchell, Surveyor General ofNSW. Mitchell's expedition was to locate the course of the Darling River and its junction with the Murra[...]s Portland Bay. Mitchell "discovered" large areas of good grazing land, which he named "Australia Felix". Imagine the feelings of the explorer when, on 29 th August 1836, some house-like rocks that he was in the process of discovering, turned out to be in fact real houses - one of the Henty out-stations. Imagine the feelings of the Henty's (Edward and Francis were at Portland)[...](i.e. Mitchell) had not the most distant thought of our being here, and was not a little surprised to find Englishmen in this Part of the World" (Peel 1996:162). Major Mitchell's party was recorded by Edward Henty as consisting of the Major, Assistant Surveyor Staplyton, 23 men a[...]disaffected Assistant are remembered today (diary of Edward Henty 26 August 1836 in Peel 1996). Mitch[...]w Mount Macedon and thought he could see evidence of the settlement at Port Phillip which he had learn[...]ettlement. Ironically on his return bringing news of this wholesale trespass, |
| [...]nor Bourke was more concerned with the legalities of Mitchell's assault on the Aborigines on the Murra[...]rs were at Portland and Port Phillip. The effect of Mitchell's expedition was not so much the new dis[...]in making more widely known the grazing potential of much of Victoria hitherto known mainly by the Vandemonian[...]rom Van Dieman's Land. Thus, there were two types of settlers the overlanders and the overstraiters. P[...]ip (rather than Portland) with a rapid settlement of adjacent areas by overstraiters and some overlanders. The sanctioning of squatting The rapid expansion of settlement beyond the "limits of location" posed an administrative problem for Gov[...]proposal to settle at Twofold Bay, the Secretary of State, Lord Aberdeen replied, instructing Bourke[...]red to authorise a measure, the consequence of which would be to spread over a still further extent of territory a population which it was the objective of the late Land Regulations to concentrate" ([...]urke in a dilemma. He would have been quite aware of settlement beyond the limits. Indeed, later in 18[...]and to constrain it would be disastrous. Grazing of necessity required settlement beyond the limits and Bourke admitted "the proprietors of thousands of acres already find it necessary, equally with the[...]o send large flocks beyond the present boundaries of location". Besides, the expense of removing the squatters from beyond the "limits of location" would be greater than extending administration to cover them. Bourke suggested the introduction of guidance and control funded by revenue from land[...]HRA). 32 Today the line IS marked by a series of calms and arrows, the result of a bequest commemorating Major Mitchell. 33 Bourke was informed of Batman's settlement by the Lt. Governor of Van Dieman's Land, George Arthur as well as by memorials from Gellibrand on behalf of the Port Phillip Association and of course by Mitchell. Bourke suspected Arthur of wanting to administer Port Phillip hence the flISt paragraph of Bourke's letter reminded Lord Glenelg that his commission covered Port Phillip, as it was part of NSW. |
| [...]Fortunately Lord Glenelg, who was now Secretary of State, agreed. His reply arrived in Sydney in August 1836. Glenelg was concerned to ensure that the rights of the Aborigines "be studiously defended" but conceded the inability to prevent dispersion of settlement. "It is wholly vain to expect that any positive Laws, especially those of a very young and thinly peopled Country, will be energetic enough to repress the spirit of adventure and speculation in which the unauthoris[...]ing to enter with more minuteness into the detail of your plan" (Glenelg to Bourke 13 April 1836 HRA).[...]Port Phillip District was proclaimed and a party of officials dispatched to the Yarra to bring law to[...]7 Will IV c. 4)34 was passed. This allowed people of "good character" to be licensed to occupy Crown Land outside the "limits of location" for an annual fee. Evidence of occupation was to be manifested by some kind of building or cultivation. The revenue from the act[...]Act (Abbott 1971: 137, Fletcher 1989). The system of licences came into operation on the 151 January 1837. This bill put into effect the decision of Glenelg to recognise squatters and emphasised tha[...]THE 1840s STRUGGLE AND STRIFE The decade of the 1840s was the period in which the squatters e[...]he squatters as the squattocracy. The Depression of 1841 At some point in the 1830s, squatting moved from a simple expansion of the wool industry into the realm of a speculative boom. Abbott points to excellent prices for ordinary grades of wool in the years 1834-36 and for sheep during "the later half of the 1830s" as the seeds of the industry's downfall (Abbott 1971 :66). Capital flowed into NSW for the expansion of the wool industry, irrespective of a rational view of the return on investment. This created a s[...] |
| [...]ble, given the high demand for sheep irrespective of the nature of their fleeces. 35 Thus, returns on investment wer[...]about 3d per pound (Abbott 1971 :64). The effect of the wool price drop is a matter of contention. Fitzpatrick (1941) argued for its imp[...]ued for taking into consideration all the factors of production in the wool industry (such as declinin[...]is that for many runs created in the latter half of the 1830s it would have taken four or five years for the costs of production and returns to be established and comm[...]actor considered by Fitzpatrick is the withdrawal of British capital following an economic downturn in[...]Broeze (1993) viewed the 1840s from the viewpoint of capitalist/merchant Robert Brooks, and saw the origins of the depression as a glut in the colonial market f[...]some latitude in investing the Australian profits of Brook's trade in other fruitful ventures. "With prices buoyant, profit rates of up to 100 per cent, and demand apparently growing[...]he first Melbourne land boom. With the opening up of Port Phillip the Government surveyed the township of Melbourne and put the land up for sale. From the[...]Shaw notes that land was sold at an average price of £1.30 per acre but resold at an average of £1 0 (1995: 163). The prices were speculative gi[...]note the fall in wool prices and stress the need of wools to be "very clean and strong in the staple, which none of them were last year" (Brown 1952:112). 36 There i[...]. Hartwell (late 1840) on this point. There would of course be inevitable lag effects as there[...] |
| [...]64 undeveloped nature of Melbourne and surrounding areas. Many of the speculators were Sydney merchants. Sales proved strong until the end of 1841 (Shaw 1996: 163). Shaw blames the change in government land policy as being a factor in the bursting of the speculative bubble for land in Melbourne (199[...]ely, this is too parochial a factor. The collapse of squatting speculation across South-Eastern Australia inevitably caused the collapse of expectation for the development of Melbourne and consequently speculative land value[...]alian wool that they had imagined. Thus, the flow of capital and immigrants into NSW slowed to a trick[...]he situation. The first major failure in the City of London was Montefiore Brothers in February 1841 and others followed quickly after. In Australia the case of A.B. Spark of Tempe is well known. Spark acted as an agent for a number of British merchants such as Duncan Dunbar. Using their funds Spark invested in all sectors of the economy including nine squatting runs (Broeze 1993:162-163). As a Director of the Bank of Australia, Spark also seems to have been involved[...]s major defaulting loan was to Hughes and Hoskins of some £144,895. Spark merely owed £44,244 (Butli[...]3. The depression cut a swathe through the ranks of the squatters. Despite the importance of the depression, no comprehensive listing of squatters bankrupted by it has been made. Shaw qu[...]996: 166). Paul de Serville concluded his account of good society at Port Phillip with a chapter on the early 1840s called "The End of the Golden Age" (1980). This was certainly the view of author Rolf Boldrewood (Thomas Alexander Browne)[...]e depression. 37 The "hero" who ended this cycle of depression was apparently Henry O'Brien ofYass who invented "boiling down". This was the conversion of live sheep to tallow for which there was at least[...]ed with boiling down (KiddIe 1962: 136). A number of extensive boiling down establishments were set up along the banks of the lower Yarra and Saltwater (Maribymong) rivers[...]ry (1971 :82). In conjunction with the discovery of boiling down were legislative measures to ease th[...]Act 37 Browne's family lived in the rural suburb of Heidelberg on the site used by the Heidelberg School of Artists (and incidentally where my grandfather la[...]house). His was perhaps the first in a long line of "golden summers" at Heidelberg. Rolf Bolderwood wrote a number of articles and books looking back on this period. |
| [...]65 allowed a person to trade their way out of debt without fear of imprisonment. The Lien on Wool and Livestock Act allowed the squatter to borrow money on the security of the next wool clip without losing possession or control of the sheep. The Legislation although rejected by t[...]ustry as a whole to regroup and giving some sense of security to investors. From 1843 or 1844 matters[...]p and wool and a consequent increase in the value of squatting runs. The struggle against Governor Gi[...]ter's battle with Governor Gipps lay in the state of the pastoral industry following the depression of the early 1840s and the insecurity of squatting tenure. Gipps antagonised squatters on[...]licence to William Lee highlighted the insecurity of squatting tenure (Roberts 1968:217).38 It should[...]the Legislative Council. From a Government point of view squatting was marked b~ an increasing demand[...]ervices such as police and cheap immigrants 9 all of which cost money. However the nature of squatting tenure made sure that there was little[...]pied, a point made by Lord Russell when Secretary of State for the Colonies (Russell to Gipps 20 June[...]ired to put forward the Australian Land Sales Act of 1842 (5&6 Vic c.36) which imposed a minimum price of £1 per acre for Crown Lands sold after survey. The squatting legislation of 1836 had been renewed in 1838 (by a continuation[...]from a levy on stock. The land outside the limits of location was divided into nine squatting districts each with its own Commissioner of Crown Lands and a detachment of police. These changes were not opposed. The 1839[...]squatting. On one side was the undoubted benefit of squatting but on the other the need to generate r[...]There was also the need for the moral improvement of the squatters. In a dispatch on the squatting pro[...]to the Social and Moral evils, which such a state of things, if left unameliorated, must of necessity lead to". The 38 Lee's case was previo[...]ubsided emigration which Gipps was to pay for out of colonial funds thus placing another demand on a d[...]ccupation ofCrown Lands. and to provide the means of defraying the expense ofa Border Police (3[...] |
| [...]66 problems were the lack of Religion and Schools and the poor quality of squatter living conditions due to lack of secure tenure. If this situation was not fixed, Gipps held out the prospect of "a race of Englishmen... springing up in a state approaching to that of untutored barbarism" (Gipps to Stanley 3 April 18[...]d" while maintaining the Crown's ownership rights of squatting runs. Gipps clearly saw a link between[...]In April 1844, Governor Gipps introduced two sets of proposed regulations, which were to replace the e[...]chase regulations, which allowed limited purchase of runs (1968:191). The occupation regulations were[...]he 2nd April 1844 and were really a tightening up of the earlier regulations. They limited the size of runs forcing squatters to take out a licence for[...]nce. Making them pay for each licence was one way of increasing land revenues. Gipps made these change[...]rough the Legislative Council which was in favour of squatting and might have opposed any changes invo[...]-May 1844, proposed that after 5 years occupation of a run a squatter should have the opportunity of purchasing 320 acres for a homestead. Having made[...]the squatter would then be entitled to possession of the run for eight years. A second 320 acres block[...]le would have to be by auction, however the value of improvements would be deducted from the price or[...]e squatters saw the Gipps regulations as a denial of security of tenure, a source of increased costs and an abuse of the Governors powers (through his use of regulation rather than legislation). Opposition t[...]as the "Gentry". Rather than go into the details of this (see Abbott 1971: 158-176; Buckley 1956, 195[...]itical campaign that followed marks the emergence of the squatters as a political group. In discussin[...]y a piper and band, they rode through the streets of Melbourne to make their protest. In the evening, some 300 of wealth, rank and beauty attended a grand ball aft[...]in the town were broken and the Pastoral Society of Australia Felix was formed (Kiddie 1962:16[...] |
| [...]Their basic concern was for security oftenure and of the investments made in improving their runs. Th[...]mpaign, the squatters were supported by a variety of other groups such as merchants, small squatters,[...]5) have discussed the reasons for this wide range of support. Abbott sums up this discussion by conclu[...]the time) and thus had an interest in the success of pastoralism (1971:166). The Gentry supported the[...]itially as they had similar interests and because of the way Gipps tried to introduce the regulations[...]though opposed to Gipp's land policy, led a group of Gentry to condemn the violent verbal attacks on Gipps and the integrity of his office (Ward 1981:145-146). Roe argued that a[...]than for the common good and this alienated many of their supporters. He quotes Robert Lowe, then a prominent member of the Legislative Council as saying "He thought the[...]by An Act to amend an Actfor regulating the sale of Waste Lands belonging to the Crown in the Austral[...]ion for the management thereof(9 & 10 Vic c. 104) of 1846 was passed in England 42 and brought into operation through the Orders in Council of 1847. 43 The Orders in Council divided NSW into t[...]cluded the original 19 counties plus the counties of Macquarie and Stanley, three miles inland from[...]s was helped by political changes in the position of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. 42 Otherwise calle[...] |
| [...]the remainder (after removing settled districts) of the counties of ormanby, Grant and Bourke as well as Gippsland. After 1848, the Western District was included. Runs of up to 1600 acres could be leased for 8 years with[...]ses for 14 years could be granted for each run of 3200 acres. The Orders in Council empowered the[...]leases for runs to anyone he saw fit for duration of up to 14 years. The use of the run was for pastoral purposes but the lessee[...]for the family and establishment. A minimum rent of £10 in advance was payable with an additional £2-10 for each 1000 sheep above 4000 based on an estimate of the capability of each run to stock sheep. During the term of the lease, the land was not open to purchasers ot[...]res in area. The land was sold at a minimum price of £1 per acre. Each lot was to be rectangular in form with at least two sides of the lot had to be aligned to the cardinal points of the compass. No lot was to have more than 440 yards of frontage for every 160 acres. If a lease expired,[...]hase at the unimproved value. Otherwise the value of improvement was estimated and added to the value of the upset price of the land. If the land was sold, the former lessee received the value of improvements. As part of the Orders in Council, the squatting runs had to be described, assessed and licensed. The descriptions of runs were printed in the Government Gazette throu[...]England region and many local histories have maps of squatting runs based on the 1848 Gazettes. The s[...]capital improvements on the land with some degree of security for their investment. However, others viewed the outcome of the 1846 Act as locking up land, which should hav[...]uatters. Thus, the 1846 Act marked the beginnings of the free selection movement (see Chapter 4). The Consolidation of squatting The decade of the 1840s was, in addition to economic woes and p[...]ttling down. The traditional historical accounts of 1840s emphasise that the new form of tenure following the passing of the Waste Lands Occupation Act allowed the[...] |
| [...]ly any squatters as yet attempted to buy any part of their runs" (1962:171) but then notes that "building of substantial home stations in stone was rare befor[...](1962:171). Kiddie goes on to note three examples of stone house construction45 but curiously Golf Hil[...]ad received word from England" about the question of tenure. An alternative view might be that after t[...]dation could take place. They knew the capability of their runs and the economics of grazing so they could afford to upgrade their housing. One might go further to argue that construction of a good house might be one way of expressing the respectability of squatting and therefore the need for the Government to treat squatters "fairly". The construction of good houses in the mid- 1840s during the struggle with Governor Gipps might be part of a broad political strategy based on the importance of the wool industry to Australia and the respectable nature of squatters. The evidence of colonial statistics would be one way of testing this idea but as the collection districts and information categories vary with each round of data collection colonial statistics are notoriously difficult to work with. The 1841 Census shows that of the 356 houses outside the County of Bourke (which included the town of Melbourne) there were only 17 houses of brick or stone. This proportion (about 5%) seems[...]s there are 10 brick houses recorded for the rest of NSW outside Sydney! Of course building material is only an extremely rou[...]ansion. Another important factor in the creation of more substantial houses was the age of the squatters. As many squatters arrived in Austr[...]marry. Once marriage occurred then the influence of the wife was thought to "improve" both the squatt[...]o purchase pre- emptive rights and had the option of purchasing at auction any parts of their runs surveyed and put up for sale it is dif[...]ell notes that squatters had made large purchases of freehold land in the Western District and on the[...]For SW there is little information on the extent of pre-selection purchases of runs. 46 There are some statistics on the acres of land alienated under pre- 44 This security was based on the pre-emptive right and the promise of leases. 45 For those not familiar with Wes[...] |
| [...]e land alienated from the beginning of responsible government (1856) to 1860. This return gives some indication of the extent to which squatters were actually purch[...]most common purchase was for 160 acres, a quarter of a square mile and most purchases (221) were of either the square mile or half or quarter mile blocks indicating the performance of this unit. Analysis of the unit sizes shows two distributions one of small lots and one of larger lots. The small lots would be the result of pre-emptive purchases of town or village allotments. This is where a villa[...]s pre-emptive right is less than 1% of the relevant district even in the Macleay and the[...]s suggests that while 159,853 acres of land were sold this was a very small portion of the land in squatting districts. T[...]W 1856-1860 Pastoral district Area of District Acres sold No of lots Average size Most Percent of (square miles)[...]Land sales depended on the slow progress of land survey. First the surveyor had to[...]he squatters were able to purchase surveyed parts of L - ~ ~ ~ ~ _ |
| [...]y rare occurrence in SW and Victoria as the speed of the survey of land was very slow due to the limited number of surveyors employed by the Government. In other areas, large tracts of freehold land were purchased outright. The Austin[...]om the Government and from the initial purchasers of small blocks. They displaced smaller squatters su[...]within the settled districts. 47 Another method of consolidating runs was by applying for a Special[...]by Lord Russell, which existed for a short period of time before pressure from Governor Gipps forced a[...]968:108-109, 208-209). These allowed larges areas of land to be sold and the unfortunate squatters wer[...]squatters including John Aitken who had been one of the original overstraiters in 1836. Clark's purch[...]ndera where Gammage noted that with the gazetting of the run boundaries in 1848 every one of the Sydney based squatters in the district disputed their boundaries. Gammage also points to the use of squatters connections with "Officials" (by virtue of their social status) to draw boundaries favourabl[...]there are few historical studies with the detail of Gammage so whether this was the situation all over NSW and Victoria is not clear. A further function of consolidation was that of the squatters actually realising what the land in[...]ns argues there was a notable change in the ratio of sheep to cattle between 1839 and 1848. Cattle req[...]to maintain, however the big problem was the lack of a market for cattle. Jeans notes that the major m[...]areas sheep suffered from footrot. Consideration of these factors, often not apparent until several years experience on the land resulted in the emergence of regional differences. Jeans presents this[...] |
| [...]7 & 28). There appears to be a decline in numbers of cattle in the Monaro, Murrumbidgee, Lachlan and B[...]sheep. It also should be noted that the boundary of pastoral expansion was in the 1840s roughly the edge of the Central division ofNSW and there was little settlement in the Western division ofNSW of the Mallee or Wirnmera regions of Victoria. WHO WERE THE SQ TTER? Who[...]rown land without pennission or after the passing of the Crown Lands Occupation Act with a licence. However, there were degrees of squatting and squatters were not a homogenous group. The first popular use, from the rnid-1820s, of the tenn "squatter" referred to mainly ex-convict[...]in a particular area. They were commonly accused of stealing cattle and sheep, buying and selling sto[...]es to squatting other than the illegal occupation of land (Fletcher 1989:272). As Governor Bourke poin[...]s ... familiarly called squatters are the objects of great animosity on the part of the wealthier settlers. As regards, however, the unauthorised occupation of waste lands, it must be confessed that these Squatters are only following in the steps of all the most influential and unexceptional[...]ere to be found side by side with those of the obnoxious squatter and held on no better titl[...]tcher suggests, as Governor Bourke was suspicious of the motives of the large landowners in the colony in protesting against the evils of squatting, official action against squatting was[...]origins stretched back to the first twenty years of the colony, the second being a group of free emigrants arriving in the 1820s and 1830s (R[...]. Both groups shared common attitudes and notions of respectability (1965:40). However, there w[...] |
| [...]stile (1965:49). However squatting posed a series of divided loyalties largely because so many of the Gentry were squatting themselves. Roe argues[...]acceptable only when brought within the framework of land ownership and attachment to land" (1965 :51). Roe's view of the squatters is entirely negative. The squatters[...]Aborigines, the working class and the orderly use of land (Roe 1965:61-75). He wrote "(the squatters)[...]ot as heroes ofthe golden fleece or happy spirits of the wilderness, but as men acting without grace o[...]more weight" (1965:61). De Serville in his study of "Good society in Melbourne", where there was no p[...]d the respectable men was marked by the exclusion of the respectable from "good society" (the exclusio[...]arthur's position). After all if Abbot's analysis of the pastoral industry is correct then the main profit in the industry was found in the selling of surplus stock to new squatters (1971:108-125), so the squatters were business associates of the Gentry rather than criminals. Moreover, they shared the same value of respectability which was incorporated into the Wa[...]cupation Act as the requirement that squatters be of "good character". This emerging class of respectable squatters became the squattocracy. Tw[...]apital Abbott has made a comprehensive analysis of the economics of the wool industry. Abbot presented data on the costs and returns of the wool industry from a variety of contemporary sources (1971: 108-125). These showe[...]o £2000 to establish a run depending on the size of the run and its location. There was also the annual cost of producing the wool. The gist of Abbott's argument is that the main source of profit in the industry was due to the sale of surplus stock rather than purely by sale of wool. The costs of squatting therefore favoured those with access to[...]inance the pastoral expansion came from a variety of sources. Some came from successful colonia[...] |
| [...]74 how some of this money in fact came from the investment by Australian agents for British traders of the profits from their trading operations. These[...]onial borrowing raised some capital. The majority of capital came from overseas in the form of personal, family or company capital (Connell and[...]is large pastoral interests came with the capital of the Royal Bank behind him. George Russell squatted in Victoria as manager of the Clyde Company, a company formed by Scottish c[...]It is also worth reflecting on Abbott's evidence of the poor rate of return on investment in the wool industry (1971:[...]ocracy may have been relatively well off in terms of assets but they were cash poor, a factor that wou[...]ave in abundance was access to land, as a licence of a run cost only £10 annually and, until the Orders in Council, the size of the run was unlimited. Thus, a large pastoral est[...]ing the runs and so on. Character The character of an individual was expressed in terms of respectability. Respectability was the underpinning of the squatter's status; it is what separated them[...]onary defines respectable as "worthy or deserving of respect by reason of some inherent quality or qualities" or alternatively "of good or fair social standing and having the moral[...]ity is defined as "the state quality or condition of being respectable in point of character or social standing". Respectability must be seen in the context of what the particular qualities of character or social standing were at any particul[...]ary between social groups at anyone time and also of course over time as well. The "inherent qualities[...]eement by historians that there is a distinct set of "Victorian values" that relate in large way to re[...]tility" and "genteel", referring to the qualities of both breeding and birth that are of course part of respectability. I have chosen to use respe[...] |
| [...]75 adherence to the "cult of domesticity" is what makes an individual respecta[...]on in Appendix Two). Respectability was a series of values shared between the Gentry and some ofthe S[...]uatters were excluded from "Good Society" because of their lack of rank, both classes excluded the lower classes because of their lack or rank and respectability. Respectability seems to involve a sense of maintaining civilised standards such as manners (and other forms of proper behaviour), education, polite conversation, taste and some sense of public duty.49 Importantly it included adherence to the "cult of domesticity". By being respectable, the squatters[...]al advancement in later years. In a recent study of Annidale on the New England tablelands, Ferry arg[...]ing (1999:128-134). Ferry argues that the origins of this ideology lie in part in the extreme gender imbalance in the New England district of 622 adult men for each 100 adult women. Certainly[...]as a similar gender imbalance existed across much of South-eastern Australia. Greater attention to sq[...]respectable squatters who had an alternative way of life based on what Ferry calls the "ideology of respectability". From the pioneering period some[...]ing activity) written in 1837 shows the influence of the domestic ideology in particular in his commen[...]diggers, would have been attracted by the freedom of restraint squatting had. As Goodman argues for go[...]on 26th September 1853 (Bride 1969) made a number of interesting remarks about his life as a squatter. Although his comments on the changes to the environment of his run are well known, he also discussed his fellow squatters. ''Numbers of the young gentlemen who came out to this colony a[...]way in which they managed their sheep farms. Few of them knew anything of mechanics, and they were totally unable to make c[...]themselves or their servants. In consequence of which they fell back lower in morality and energy than many of their men, for dirt and filth were noticeable 49Much of the criticism of the squatters from the Gentry was based on the sq[...]with Governor Gipps (see Roe 1965:75). The Gentry of course masked their self-interest with the veil of "public good". |
| [...]ner was looking out through a large wisp of hair on his face. The three eventful years, which will be long remembered in this colony, of 1841-2-3, swept off most of these young gentlemen with their herds a[...]is placed on appearance and husbandry as a mirror of an individual's moral state. In short, ones chara[...]ones actions, ones appearance, and ones husbandry of ones property. Thus the respectable squatter, one who was on his way to becoming a member of the squattocracy, would express his respectability or character through the medium of the squatting landscape through speech, gesture,[...]accounts can give us access to the squatter modes of respectable behaviour in particular non-material elements such as speech. Historical archaeological analysis of the landscape can access material aspects of how squatters expressed their respectability through their husbandry of the landscape. SQUATTI G L DSCAPES Pre-squatting landscapes There are two categories of pre-squatting landscapes. Firstly, there are the landscapes created since 1788 within the limits of location. These were created as an outcome of the development of agriculture discussed above. In tenns of squatting the larger estates refined the technique of sheep and cattle fanning in Australia, which was then applied beyond the limits of location. The second pre-squatting landscape is of course that created as a result of Aboriginal settlement. Studies of Aboriginal settlement at the contact period are n[...]to a sophisticated understanding and manipulation of their environment through activities such as cons[...]hen asked, have demonstrated a detailed knowledge of the use of fire to maintain and expand desirable ecosystems[...]n regularly burning the landscape throughout much of South-Eastern Australia, although in some specifi[...]d have been used. 50 The salient point in respect of squatting is that Aboriginal burning patterns wer[...]so Fire Stick farming has almost become a cliche of Australian environmental history (Pyne 1991). One of the best studies is by Chris Haynes (1985) as he[...]the view that Aborigines were living in some form of the "Garden of Eden" (Lines 1991). My own work on fire re[...] |
| [...]77 all squatters had to do in tenus of adapting the Aboriginal landscape to squatting was to get rid of the Aborigines. Removing the Aborigines was not an easy task particularly as the top levels of government were concerned that Aboriginal rights[...]on occasion were prepared to attempt prosecution of squatters for murder. The squatters were concerne[...]re maintained and this often required the removal of Aborigines. This process is quite well documented for example in the studies of Christie (1979), Corris (1968), Milleas (1992) and in the published journals of the Protector of Aborigines in Victoria, George Augustus Robinson. Pioneering Settlement of South-Eastern Australia shows a common pattern. F[...]1 Settlement seems to have moved down the valleys of major rivers rather than across catchment boundaries unless necessary. The initial layout of a squatting run was similar across South-Eastern[...]a simple hut and stock yard with perhaps an area of cultivation around it. This was the homestead or[...]or ridge lines. Where this was not possible lines of blazed trees or plough lines were used to mark a[...]mustered when required. Large scale modification of the landscape was not attempted partly because of the lack of tenure and partly because grazing did not require much in the way of technology; a few shepherds huts, some folds for[...]as flood levels. Wool sheds replaced the practice of shearing in the open. Freeman quotes Curr's description of his woolshed (circa 1841) "as being a common bark building" and also points to woolsheds of the same era being thatch and slab construction (Freeman 1980: 13). There was also the question of wool washing. The idea was to wash the various impurities out of the wool before shipment for sale. Initial[...] |
| [...]Ie demonstrates that even during this early phase of squatting the squatters developed a range of sheep washes ranging from a simply driving the sheep through running water to a sophisticated system of spouts and warm water established by the Learmont[...]1962:71-72). Overseers or managers occupied many of the runs on behalf of squatting interests located well inside the limits of location. Given the fragmentary nature of the historical records it is impossible to quantify the precise numbers of managed runs versus owner occupied runs but manag[...]ter in overall number. However, significant areas of owner occupied runs can be identified, Port Phill[...]at the squatters. They were most likely a mixture of emancipists, convicts and currency lads, in other words, not a respectable class of people. There would have been little incentive fo[...]A Murrumbidgee Rivc:>r. b Pebbly bed of river. B Tumat River.[...]Creek. d High declivities of hills. D \Vhcat paddock.[...] |
| [...]self. Coopers watercolours also reflect something of the diverse nature of squatters. He was not a bluff and hearty, unrefme[...]more refmed matters such as art. The first series of paintings and sketches, from January 1842 when th[...]eys during 1842. There is nothing else in the way of infrastructure in the landscape. The flocks would[...]843 shows the "second hut" which formed the basis of the head station at Challicum (Brown 1987: Plate[...]watercolour (plate 10) show three distinct groups of buildings. A core group around the main hut consists of the hut and separate kitchen with a store and car[...]ill and at some distance was the woolshed. Detail of the woolshed by the creek is shown in Plates 12 a[...]huts" emerged. This is in line with the principal of separating work and workers from the respectable[...]nstructed in 1845. This involved the construction of a larger building in front of the second hut. This larger building was of weatherboards with shingle roof. Its front was de[...]dings is a substantial garden that shows evidence of some design although it is in essence practical.[...]slabs driven into the ground. This has the effect of forming a ha- ha. On one side garden beds[...] |
| [...]An undated painting (but after the construction of the final hut) Plate 25, shows men at work in an extensive cultivation paddock adjacent and to the rear of the homestead group. Finally, Cooper painted a panorama of the run from the Homestead (no date is given). The landscape of the run is shown as mainly open plains with rolling hills and patches of open forest. Several out-stations are shown in th[...]s well as shepherds and their flock. Small groups of cattle are shown grazing. An Aboriginal en[...] |
| [...]e run is not shown as being heroically carved out of the environment but more as naturally occurring t[...]he images run off into the distance with no sense of any boundary between Challicum and the neighbouri[...]forms a core from which small nuclei in the form of the out-station huts radiate. The landscape around the homestead from the time of the "second hut" is physically bounded into work[...]d masters area. The third hut and the development of men's quarters by 1845 reinforces this. The ha-ha[...]mall drawbridge. From the educated visitors point of view the garden would have looked quite well orde[...]thes shown in two images as well as the behaviour of sketching in itself would have acted to separate[...]n's as respectable gentlemen. Here is an example of an extensively developed pastoral property with s[...]hat they could not develop their runs due to lack of tenure. Yet Coopers sketches along with other ill[...]prepared to invest in their runs despite the lack of secure tenure. Fbr example, the sketches of Emma von Stieglitz show the development of the runs occupied by her brother and her husband. In particular her "Interior of a Squatters Hut and Port Phillip 1841" shows a solid building well fitted with the comforts of home including numerous books and a writing desk.[...]lated material culture and relating to the values of muscular Christianity. Visitors to the hut or house of such a squatter would be in no doubt through the material culture encountered of the squatter's station and rank. |
| [...]85 Figure 3.16 View from the Window of Hut, Challicum, 1850 |
| Figure 3.17 Interior of a Squatters Hut at Port Phillip, 1841 Charles or[...]ings books and writing implements. The exteriors of the dwellings are shown as having rudimentary ga[...]a's. Thus right at cd to argue for secunty of tenure. |
| [...]were projecting their social position in the form of material culture and in their husbandry of the run. CO CL 10 The main process underlying development and expansion of the pioneering period of squatting was the successful development of the wool industry, which offered the enterprising[...]on a small capital outlay. Squatting was a result of the expansion of the wool industry colliding with the land policy of the Crown that sought to limit expansion. The result was in favour of expansion especially as it was comparatively easy to move beyond the limits of location and take up a run. Squatting offered cheap land (but no security of tenure) and the promise of good profits and in the l830s took on the characteristics of a speculative boom. The boom resulted in the squatting occupation of most of the available grasslands in South-Eastern Austral[...]s, had established tenure for their runs and much of South-Eastern Australia was held under squatting[...]g at squatting landscapes, the rudimentary nature of a squatting run has often been emphasised. Howeve[...]nding landscape, displayed the respectable nature of the squatter. It is this desire to be seen as res[...]eople pursuing the economic and moral improvement of the "waste" land by taking up the land and grazin[...]by the Governors, firstly forced the sanctioning of squatting in 1836 when the Colonial government was forced to recognise the defacto settlement of South-Eastern Australia and bring it under control. Secondly it was used to argue for some more secure form of tenure for squatting in the 1840s, although in this case the view of Governor Gipps differed from those of the squatters as to the form and implementation of this tenure. Thus, the broad processes forming squatting landscapes are the economics of the wool industry (and to some extent cattle graz[...]run to have established a head station consisting of crude huts or tents and for the sheep flocks (of 500 to 1000 sheep) to be located in out-stations across the landscape area. The boundaries of runs were established on natural features or mark[...]nment was readily adapted to grazing. Small areas of cultivation were established adjacent to the head[...]ide some vegetables to add to the relentless diet of meat. |
| [...]88 The phase of pioneering seems to have been comparatively short[...]d writing as well as the more sporting activities of squatting such as chasing stock and shooting things. This period of construction marks the end of the pioneering phase on a squatting run. Typically this occurs much earlier than the usually given date of 1848 when squatters were given security oftenure. Thus while the pioneering of squatting runs across South-Eastern Australia occ[...]eriod on each run was comparatively short as some of the squatters moved to assert their respec[...] |
| [...]ia the golden, Where men of all nations now toil,[...]s us, "Tis the country of true liberty, o prou[...]ia the golden, Where men of all nations now toil,[...]erness, Whilst millions of acres are lying In thei[...]I TRODUCTIO This chapter traces the history of squatting from the period of consolidation until the period after the depression and drought of the 1890s. Looking forward from 1848 the squatter[...]ul life made secure by their leases and the right of pre-emption with only the traditional Australian devils of drought and flood to give any cause for co[...] |
| [...]e are two themes in this chapter: the development of the selection movement, and the further development of the squatting and the pastoral industry as a whol[...]selectors alike. Unfortunately, an understanding of how this affected the landscape requires a detailed and somewhat technical description of the land legislation in order to trace the change[...]so on the landscape, both in the actual selection of land and in the way the selection legislation worked in the landscape. The second theme is the development of pastoral industry during this period. The squatters moved into the arid regions of Western NSW and the channel country of Queensland. This land was a different environment[...]ly adaptable to grazing as the more grassed areas of South-Eastern Australia and in the 1890s the combination of rabbits and severe drought ruined many of the squatters in the arid region. The chapter con[...]undamentally changed by selection and the effects of the depression and droughts of the 1890s. Squatting and responsible government "Responsible government" refers to the granting of constitutions to the States and the establishment of parliamentary government by the United Kingdom as[...]he British Government in London to the government of the states of Australia. Therefore the tenure of the squatters was in the hands of the various state governments and their electors, notably New South Wales and Victoria in which most of the squatting heartland lay. However, the squatte[...]tation in the NSW Legislative Council. The onset of responsible government was preceded by the separation of Victoria from NSW in July 1851. Agitation for sep[...]nd soon there were complaints about the imbalance of revenue collected in Port Phillip versus the expenditure of the Government on infrastructure there (Shaw 1996[...]in the reconstituted blended Legislative Council of 1842 (five members from Port Phillip and one from Melbourne) the difficulties of attending meetings in Sydney were obvious from th[...]their discontent by electing Lord Grey, Secretary of the Colonial Office, to the Council (Shaw 1996:246). Confirmation of 55 Indeed the Port Phillip Association[...] |
| [...]ct (13 & 14 Vic c59) which allowed the separation of Victoria, the establishment of blended Legislative Councils, extended the franchise to landholders who had six months tenure of a freehold estate of £1 00 or occupation of a dwelling of £10 annual value or leasehold or tenure of a pastoral run. The Colonies were empowered, with the consent of the Queen in Council, to alter the electoral laws[...]Ward 1976:294-295). As Ward noted this left "part of the constitutional future of the colonies ... in their own hands, subject to royal assent" (1976:296). The instigator of responsible government was the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Duke of Newcastle. 56 On the 5th August 1853, the Secretary of State for the Colonies informed the Governors ofN[...]and Van Diemen's Land that the recent discoveries of gold had made it become urgent that powers of self government be granted to the colonies. This[...]isions about their own affairs. The establishment of responsible government had obvious issues for squatters who after all were tenants of the Crown and therefore more vulnerable to the whims of Government than owners of freehold land. In NSW the Legislative Council had already acted with the Electoral Act of 1851 which was brought into the Legislative Council to implement the reforms of the Australian Colonies Government Act. These ame[...](Ward 1981: 170-171). In 1852, a select committee of the Legislative Council began to formulate a new[...]According to Ward, the Council although in favour of responsible government did not want party governm[...]oured by W.C. Wentworth was for the establishment of a hereditary aristocracy. 58 Opposition to the pr[...]cil was great and was carried over to the lobbies of the House of Commons where former liberal Council member Rober[...]oreign affairs and defence powers for example and of course even today we still have their wretched Qu[...]argued that the main qualification for membership of this aristocracy should be the possession of a huge Wellingtonian like nose, "pack our nommee chamber WIth noses of such amplitude and consequently of such roaring stemutational power, that one and twenty of them ... might even discharge (if need were) on the anniversary of a coronation, or what not, a very satisfactory and right royal salute, to the public saving of much excellent gunpowder". |
| [...]surprisingly easy to overcome. As the appointment of members was in the hands of the Crown as advised by the Premier of the day, it proved feasible to threaten to "swamp[...]er free selection. Furthermore, after the passing of the Election Act of 1858 (22 Vic.c. 20), the property qualification f[...]fundamentally weakened the legislative power base of the squatters as it allowed anti-squatter forces[...], Geelong, and surrounding counties which had 70% of the population had 8 of 20 seats (i. e. 40% of seats). However this gerrymandering "produced a C[...]an upper house to check the democratic ambitions of the lower house. In Victoria, Wentworth's suggestion of a nominated Upper House or the creation of an aristocracy was rejected in favour of a property qualification for electors. This entrenched the conservative nature of the Legislative Council. "Time was to prove the good judgement of the Victorian founding fathers; for, whereas by 1[...]already crying out in agony against the ministry of the day 'sweeping the streets of Sydney' to 'swamp' the Legislative Council, in Vi[...]rty franchise where voters had to hold £50 worth of property or equivalent. This was later broadened to include holders of miner's rights. The property qualification for th[...]in 1855 (18 & 19 Vic c54, 18 & 19 Vic c55). One of the more useful acts of the first Victorian Parliament was to modify the[...]perty qualification for voters. This was the work of political maverick Charles Gavan Duffy, an Ulster Catholic and advocate of the "Irish cause" especially the Irish land quest[...]ctoria his intellectual vigour and the experience of having been a member of the House of Commons. Duffy migrated to Victoria in 1856 (Sear[...]to abolish the property qualification for members of the Assembly, which was passed in 1857. The legis[...]1857. A longer battle was fought over the nature of electorates in 1858. Reform legislation was passe[...]held the "diggings vote" to about half the value of votes in electorates outside the gold |
| [...]94 diggings. The concern was that the interests of the diggers, due to their large numbers, would swamp the legitimate interests of the rest of the Colony (Searle 1963:282). To conclude, both[...]rymandered so that it could obstruct the business of the Assembly. In contrast, the Lower House in SW[...]pointees. Importantly both States now had control of land administration. This means that through Parl[...]ouses. The Gold Rushes The unexpected discovery of gold, first near Bathurst in New South Wales and[...]in 1851, turned both colonies upside down. Finds of gold in Australia had been made from 1838 and gen[...]cut" (Blainey 1964:8) represent the general view of government and the squatters that with the discovery of gold, social disorder would follow. They were not far wrong as far as the existing order of pastoralism was concerned. William Forlonge, a p[...]rs, Merchants, Squatters, all, all seem in a maze of bewilderment". Forlonge claimed that all his tena[...]ng term Forlonge saw that the squatter's monopoly of land would prove to be of greater economic benefit to them than the gold fe[...]Forlonge, 30 December 1851). The initial impact of gold for some squatters was disastrous when gold[...]orth and the Ovens Valley) virtually lost control of their runs as miners invaded and dug up their run[...]ect effects were digging up the ground, discharge of sediment into creeks, dislocation of water supply into creeks and so on, rendering the[...]have become diggers, although in the later period of company mining some, such as the S9 Wh[...] |
| [...]Many squatters however, visited the diggings out of curiosity. It was fortunate for the government that so much of the goldfields were Crown Land (i.e. Crown Land l[...]irectly displaced by the Gold rushes. The result of the gold rush for most squatters was a shortage of labour as labourers deserted to the diggings. Despite the provisions of the Masters and Servants Act, which bound servant[...]police deserting to the diggings. In the absence of labourers, Squatters, Chinese, Aborigines, Lunati[...]bled from 1851 to 1853 (1961: 199). The high cost of labour rekindled interest in fencing as one way of controlling flocks and reducing the need for shep[...]rticularly for runs near the diggings as the sale of meat to the gold fields proved to be highly profi[...]uring industry) could only absorb a small portion of the available labour. An obvious choice was to tu[...]ine managers had mislead them as to the prospects of the mine. The Leannonth's then lost even more mon[...]the lists, possibly this was Robert McDonald one of David Camerons executers, Searle says McDo[...] |
| [...]ly held under squatting title and herein lies one of the underlying forces driving the selection movement. Thus by the 1860s two of the elements driving selection were in place: a l[...]e to make laws about land. At the same time, much of the available land was held by the squatters unde[...]T In Chapter 3, the discussion ofthe expansion of squatting was left with the squatters looking at[...]. The squatters were also faced with the prospect of taking up country seemingly hostile to settlement[...]in the initial squatter expansion from the limits of location. Faced with this squatters had to learn[...]lains was slow and further limited by the effects of the 1840s depression that cut funds for pastoral expansion. The geography of the Riverina and the Western Plains is dominated[...]rs, the Murray (which forms the southern boundary of the Riverina), the Darling, the Murrumbidgee and[...]were in the Pleistocene, the former main courses of these rivers. In between these streams are broad alluvial plains devoid of trees and water. The One-Tree Plain is between th[...]etween the Murrumbidgee and Billabong Creek. West of the Lachlan is the Darling River which curves from the western side of the Darling Downs and the New England Tablelands[...]unsuitable for squatting settlement. Settlement of the western Riverina proceeded by following along[...]in 1840 and by 1845 Paika just below the junction of the Murrumbidgee and the Lachlan had been establi[...]uatting runs. Settlement had reached the junction of the Darling and the Murray by 1847 and squ[...] |
| [...]ot seen as suitable for squatting due to the lack of water. Such areas were largely unoccupied up to t[...]reek resulted in one member, a Mr. Stewart, dying of thirst. This experience was typical of exploring parties moving from river system to river system across the plains. The geography of the rivers also helped exploration and settlement[...]ad to do. Langford-Smith made a rough comparison of grazing licences issued in the Murrumbidgee, Lach[...]claims in 1848. This demonstrated the rapid pace of settlement in the Lachlan and Murrumbidgee distri[...]than 50% increase in both areas (1968: 108). Much of this land was along river frontages (of which the Murrumbidgee District had more d[...] |
| [...]oving up the Darling and by 1851, the future site of Wilcannia township was occupied (Shaw 1987: 14-15[...]y 1847 settlements were established on both banks of the Barwon and on rivers flowing into it from the[...]cattle and Heathcote points out the difficulties of moving cattle to market especially in the drought[...]ng through the Warrego country. A similar pattern of exploration and occupation was occurring further[...]loring the country to the north ofthe small towns of Menindee and Wilcannia in 1860-61 (Shaw 1987;20-[...]t in these areas Government officials in the form of Commissioners for Crown Lands or surveyors moved[...]led history ofYancannia Creek, a run to the north of the Darling, shows that virtually as soon as the[...]urne (1987:39). Heathcote notes a similar pattern of settlement in the Warrego in the period 1859-1865[...]up runs on the plains and lasted until the onset of drought in 1865. The resulting severe shakeout led to a retreat of settlement to the river frontages (1965:102-03).[...]mbidgee. By 1841, settlement had reached the area of Lake Cargelligo (Cannon 1992:32). Settlement must[...]n the Lachlan from there and up from the junction of the Murrumbidgee but no historical work seems to have been done to outline the process of settlement. Freeman however notes that settlement at the junction of the Lachlan and Murrumbidgee dates from 18[...] |
| [...]ivision run, Yancannia Creek in 1867 The process of settlement seems similar in each case. Initial ex[...]attern expressed on the cadastral maps consisting of runs orientated to the frontages of streams and then a series of blocks orientated to the cardinal points o[...] |
| [...]tJ> .,. I Joe ,.. >Of ,..[...]--. Figure 4.3 Pattern of Runs on the Lachlan near Hillston The settlemen[...]ments and was a suitable and cost effective means of transporting a wool clip to the ports. The conne[...], the capital, was reinforced by the construction of the railway to Bendigo and then to Echuca (1864)[...]networks. This transportation network linked much of the Riverina and Western SW with Melbourne rather[...]uatters into squatting runs in those areas. It is of no surprise to find the Premier of Victoria owning a pastoral station in the Riverina. By the mid-1860s, the pastoral occupation of South-Eastern Australia was largely complete. The[...]when reliable statistics allow some understanding of the nature of the pastoral industry across South-Eastern Austra[...]situation as Australia having a sheep population of 16.7 million |
| [...]y equal sized flocks while Queensland had a flock of 4.3 million or 25% of the total. In Victoria, the flocks were mainly in[...]tral and Gippsland districts. In SW, the majority of the sheep (65%) were in the Eastern Division (which included the Monaro and ew England). Some 33% of sheep were in the Central Division mostly south of the Lachlan (i.e. the Riverina). Only 5.8% of the sheep were in the Western Division. In Queensland 80% of the sheep were in the Darling Downs or on the Coast while a small number were in the bits of the Warrego in Queensland (Butlin 1962:284). In c[...]azing seem to be dominant in the Central Division of SW north ofthe Lachlan, in the Western Division a[...]ment65 and the associated "land debates" were one of the major political issues of mid-to-Iate nineteenth-century Australian politic[...]engaged in agriculture. While the initial period of the land debates from the 1850s to the mid-1860s concerned the process of establishing selection, in the remaining period, the debate revolved around the effectiveness of the various selection acts in achieving the aims of putting "bona fide" small farmers onto the land.[...]logy - "the yeoman myth" and the varying attempts of government to translate the ideology to physical[...]ation. The "Yeoman Myth" was based on the notion of the small farmer as the basic social and economic[...]ented "the invocation ofthe yeoman ideal grow out of an idealised memory of England. There is some irony in the fact that Aus[...]other rural workers. They were seen as the heart of England and in Australia, the establishment of the small farmers as yeomen was seen as having a[...]ement came to be used which referred to an aspect of selection in which the government resumed pastora[...]at implementing the "Yeoman Myth". Thus, the aims of selection persisted for over a century. |
| [...]Clark seems to have seen selection as an outcome of the growth of the bourgeoisie, again as a result of the gold rush, and the general push for equality[...]have followed this route although the involvement of some reformers in the Chartist movement has been[...]d a challenge to the whole historiographic notion of selection by arguing that the Robertson Land Acts[...]on movement is seen in Bakers article as an agent of the rising middle class. There are shades of similar arguments about the rise of the middle class in England in Bakers paper, even[...]" (1964:126). Baker is right to consider the role of the middle class in the selection movement, it is[...]been discussed is Victorian-era culture. At heart of the yeoman myth is the concept of domesticity. What is more domestic than the ideal of the home with the woman hard at work looking afte[...]ily by his hard work. The yeoman myth is the cult of domesticity as applied to an idealised conception of the selector and the Australian landscape. Select[...]is not some yearning for a fading England but one of the central "Victorian values" that formed the culture of the time. This helps explain why there is evident[...]ctors (and indeed were playing out their own form of domesticity as expressed in squatter's respectabi[...]the Victorian goldfields has shown that the cult of domesticity was well entrenched in Australian soc[...]eal stands in opposition to the masculine freedom of the bush that was realised in life on the goldfie[...]tension this argument would also apply to aspects of early squatting (c/fFerry 1999). |
| [...]ideal involved in its rural application some form of farm, a difficult prospect when most of the land was held by the squatters. The difficul[...]selection. This would spell the ruin and failure of their domestic aims and squatters acted to oppose[...]society struggling to live out the same ideology of domesticity. This explains why explanations in cl[...]xample by passing the legislation); they approved of the principle but not its practice. It is import[...]is not surprising given the international spread of the cult of domesticity. Agitation for selection began in 1853 but it was not until the end of the l850s that political campaigns for universal[...]ll 1970:64). Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the rhetoric of selection was its divorce from the physical landscape. The successes of any farming or grazing movement must rely on the environment for the creation of wealth. Thus, the success of selection was dependent on the physical features of the landscape in which it occurred. Yet, little a[...]nvironmental conditions. Similarly, the economics of small farming were barely considered. In 1860, th[...]all producers could sell produce into the markets of the large towns and export to the United Kingdom.[...]elect at all but it seems clear that the ideology of domesticity - "a vote, a rifle and a farm was the[...]63:296-300) - seemed to override the practicality of actually making a life. |
| [...]ing to allow selection on Crown Land. The process of translation was contested by the squatters both in Parliament and in the country where the application of the legislation was contested by a variety of means. The legislation and its working within a p[...]it is really impossible to understand the process of selection and the squatting response without a detailed explanation of the legislation that implemented the ideals of selection. In this thesis, the discussion has foc[...]rliaments covering the squatter heartlands, those of New South Wales and Victoria. 68 NSW Selection Acts Central to the passing of the NSW Land Laws and their subsequent history wa[...]bertson is often described as being a squatter or of squatter origin but his method of landholding suggests that he was not. Robertson s[...]850s for the ''universal'' franchise and equality of electorates and in opposing Wentworth's proposals[...]urging was Robertson's support for selection. One of his earliest statements on the question was given to the Legislative Council's Select Committee on the State of Agriculture on 31 5t August 1855. In a written submission he claimed that the failure of agriculture to develop in NSW was caused by the c[...]ent policy, which mitigated against the formation of small holdings. Robertson first pointed out the c[...]owing on his wool crop or cattle through the Lien of Wool Act and the Lien on StockAct the farmers cou[...]proposal allowing any person to enter on 80 acres of waste land before survey and pay the upset price[...]spend their lives making improvements to the land of others. In support of his 68A slightly greater emphasis is given to th[...]y Powell (1967, 1970). Roberts 1968 gives details of selection in other states. |
| [...]lved in the selection movement. This was a period of political agitation for land reform, which Baker[...]roducing land legislation. Following the election of 1859 Robertson introduced three lands acts to do with sales, occupation, and leases of Crown Land. 69 The latter was defeated and the en[...]the first dealt with free selection and the sale of Crown Land, the second with occupation of Crown Lands by the squatters and others (such as[...]s Alienation Act (1861) 25 Vic c.1, the principle of selection without survey was established. Any person (or their agent) could select from 40 to 320 acres 72 of Crown Land prior to survey in areas other than to[...]selector could only make one conditional purchase of up to 320 acres but could make additional conditional purchase up to the total of 320 acres if frontage conditions were not exceede[...]was Secretary for Lands and he began the process of tightening the screws on the squatters by limiting the right of pre-emptive purchase to 640 acres (i. e. a square[...]uncil could be used to facilitate large purchases of land so these restrictions were brought in by reg[...]Files No 85/15680 (AONSW Ref 10/3642 for details of this). 70 It should be noted that Parliament at t[...]not have the formal party and factional structure of the 201h century. 71 Ie. appoint as many members[...]square mile or 790.72 ha. In discussing the size of selections and runs it is easier to work i[...] |
| [...]106 The land was sold at a fixed price of £ 1 per acre, 25% to be paid on registering, the[...]n the land for one year (beginning within a month of selection) and improvements of not less than £1 per acre were made. At the end of the three years the purchaser or alienee (that is[...]pay 5% interest on the amount owing at the start of each year. 74 The alternative way of purchasing land was through auction of surveyed blocks or lapsed conditional purchases.[...]ry 1858 were exempt from sale during the currency of the lease. This allowed existing squatters to rem[...]ion was allowed on these leases and as each piece of land was sold the rent progressively reduced. The squatters retained a limited pre-emptive right of 640 acres for every block of 25 square miles (i.e. 16,000 acres) for old lease[...]or land to be sold without competition at a value of no less than £1 per acre in consideration of improvements made on it. Land was to be measured[...]had to be square. This rule determined the shape of much of NSW and contrasted with the use of natural features for squatting run boundaries. In reviewing the operation of the 1861 Act during his second reading speech for[...]conceived by the author.. .in the best interests of the country.. .It was framed for honest men, not[...]Debates 10:327). Farrell identified the main evil of free selection as "dummyism". "Dummying" was the selection of land by an individual with the intention of selling or transferring it to a squatter (or some[...]uently the dummy 73 This provision was a legacy of the tardiness of the Surveyor Generals Department in actually surv[...]lector could simply payoff the interest as a form of rent yet have security of tenure. Some of the portions selected on the Cuppacumbalong run were held in this way, for example portion 28 Parish of Tharwa was selected in 1868 and the title was finally issued on completion of payment in 1920 after a period of 52 years. |
| [...]only difficulty being conforming to the condition of residence. Dummying took two forms, the selection of land by squatter's associates, relatives or agents and the speculative selection of land by individuals (i.e. non bona fide selectors) in the hope of forcing the squatter to buy them out. There is no[...]1988:64); Hancock (1972:98-102) all give examples of dummying. One ofthe main aims of the 1875 amendments to the Lands Acts was to eliminate dummying. "Peacocking," another evil of free selection, was the selection or purchase of key areas of land such as waterholes, river frontages and so on so as to prevent selection on other areas of the run. By careful exercise of pre-emptive rights, improvement and purchase rights the squatter could, for example, select the best parts of the run. 75 An example of peacocking can be seen on the Wybray run where the leaseholders, the Yeoman Brothers, constructed a number of bores and tanks in the back country. These were t[...]4.4). The effect was to peacock the only sources of water in the back country thus securing the run f[...]cape in detail. The third major problem was that of Reserves. Under the Acts, land could be reserved[...]idered to be for the public good. Under Section 4 of the Crown Lands Alienation Act (1861) land could[...]t remove the land from the lease. Under Section 5 of Crown Lands Alienation Act (1861), land required[...]from sale could be made to prevent total monopoly of water frontages and to allow movement from the back blocks to permanent sources of water. This seems on the face of it to be good public policy and was instigated in the Lands Department in 1861 following the passing of the Land Acts (Robertson in Select Committee on R[...]865:33). From Robertson's evidence, consideration of reserves was based not only on the process of alienation but also to prevent squatters from lea[...]only, knowing that this would prevent the leasing of the backblocks due to lack of water (i.e. peacocking the run). 7SThe expression Peacocking refers to the picking the eyes out of the run, rather like a bird picks at grain[...] |
| [...]108 However, the practice of creating the Reserves was a major issue. Local re[...]ly gazetted. A squatter by initiating the process of reserving land could effectively quarantine large areas of his run from selection. In the Riverina at least[...]48-150, Gammage 1986:62-64). The actual evidence of Departmental practice at the time was given to th[...]serves in circular form but that the sheer volume of applications, divided responsibility in the Depar[...]eing open to selection in 1865 (due to the expiry of the leases under the Orders in Council) resulted in chaos rather than corruption. A large number of Reserves were hastily gazetted. Neither Buxton no[...]the reserve files in order to verify their claims of corruption and so drew heavily upon the evidence[...]he select committee did not seem to find evidence of corruption although its activities were curtailed[...]. The biggest problem for selectors was the lack of information on the ground. Reserves were only vag[...]files are readily available in the archives, much of the detail of Reserve formation is there for historians to use. A summary of all the various grievances is in the evidence of the Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law (New South Wales, Legislative Assemb[...]3-74). The committee took evidence from a variety of sources, squatters, selectors and officials, whic[...]om the administrators in Sydney but only evidence of selection practice in the Riverina and one witnes[...]evaluate selection without sufficient questioning of whether the Riverina was a typical case or not.[...]marised the 1861 Act. 76O'Shanassy was Premier of Victoria three times and was Premier when[...] |
| [...]109 "My opinion is that the Act of 1861 is a very good one if carried out in its[...]runs the squatters were forced by the provisions of the act to undertake illegal activities that were[...]d. O'Shannassy, as one might expect, was critical of the NSW Acts as being "wrong in principle", the principle being the Wakefieldian one of concentration of settlement. O'Shannassy preferred settlement in s[...]on his run. Everyone was united on the failings of the Lands Department. Squatters and selectors gave evidence ofthe failure of Lands Agents (who were usually Clerks of Court and had other duties) and the Lands Departm[...]selection and other applications. Delays and lack of communication often seems to have resulted in sel[...]ould be described as corruption or bias in favour of the squatter. This is not to say that forms of corruption were not apparent but little hard evidence was offered. A fundamental problem was a lack of accurate maps although as Surveyor General Philli[...]noted in his evidence, chiefly the whole concept of selection prior to survey precluded there being up-to-date maps of selections (Surveyor General, Phillip Francis Ada[...]und relating to the geoid, as there was no system of triangulation in New South Wales at that time. Mo[...]e point over time not to mention obvious problems of compass accuracy in the field. Distances were mea[...]tary for Lands, in evidence commented "Our system of survey is a sort of rule of thumb business, which the Colony has tolerated, but it does not admit of accuracy in maps" (Fitzpatrick in New South Wales[...]:6). Adams added in his evidence that the problem of inaccurate maps added to by the poor description of land to be selected by applicants (Surveyor Gener[...]nse was too much for 77 In some cases the survey of a parish began with the survey of the ftrst portion - a rectangle on a blank: map a[...]with reference to this point, thus a whole chain of inaccuracies built up. Trying to then plac[...] |
| [...]nction). O'Shannassy, despite his favourable view of the Lands Department admitted that he relied on e[...]lative Assembly 1873-74:17). The selectors point of view was put by A. Jameson, a selector from Denil[...]ld in November 1873. Jameson pointed out the lack of information from the Lands Agent at Deniliquin ab[...]rrupt) but Jameson would not commit himself. Part of the difficulty was the lack of up-to-date information. The main vehicle for info[...]closer to Melbourne). Mayger referred to the case of a selector Rose being allowed to select on a rese[...]applications either by themselves or dummy (some of which nobody ever saw) and lodged them when bona[...]volunteer for the colonial forces. The vagueness of the land described allowed the squatter to use th[...]ail selection or peacock their run. The evidence of James Litchfield from the Monaro gave further evidence of selection practices. Litchfield, although in favour of selection, was very critical of the limitation on conditional purchases to 320 ac[...]heir residence but in 1872 a more rigorous policy of verifying residency had been introduced leading t[...]tect his grass rights (i.e. his conditional lease of three times the area of his conditional purchase provided the land was av[...]ather than agriculture. Litchfield was an example of a selector, although he held an estate of some 20,000 acres and was supported by William Br[...]93-96). A final problem from the squatters point of view were the Land Sharks who selected choice area of land with the aim of forcing the squatter to buy them out. This[...] |
| [...]nt Act (1875, 39 Vic el3) was the first amendment of the Lands Acts and implemented the results of the Select committee's inquiry. The Act raised the maximum area of land able to be selected to 640 acres. The amendm[...]nal problems, which were used to evade the intent of the Land Acts. These included defining "person" as being someone over 16 years old, defining the nature of improvements and their value, making sure that purchasers were not agents of someone else (i.e. dummying) and so on. A subsequ[...]pass (Martin 1962:586-588). Following the defeat of the Robertson government in the elections of January 1883 the new Stuart government instigated[...]utation. Hancock comments that "three generations of Australian historians repeated the Morris-Ranken version of the free selection story. At last, in the mid-196[...]not the Royal Commissioners had told a true story of free selection" (Hancock, 1972:91). Buxton was th[...]iverina, he noted (and anyone with any experience of the political process would note) that the Morris[...]es. Morris-Ranken summarised the basic principle of the Lands Acts as "to substitute large numbers of yeoman farmers for the squatter", the policy being to "offer to sale to one class of occupants the same land which was simultaneously[...]th tenures simultaneously by providing "the means of defence against and retaliation upon the selectors who ventured to exercise their legitimate rights of encroachment and appropriation [of pastoral runs]" (1883:15). Morris-Ranken were not against selection, there is no questioning of the "yeoman myth", rather they question the workings of the Lands Acts in achieving that goal. They bega[...]ineteen counties (i.e. the land within the limits of location), much of which was seen as inferior land with some 51 % un[...]encircling the Cumberland Plain and forming part of the Great Dividing Range. 78The authors were Aug[...]report was published in the Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly omitting the bulky but valuable individual testimony of previous reports. |
| [...]having successfully worked in with the old system of grants without much trouble, the main problem identified being how to dispose of the inferior land. The Intermediate district was[...]e Western district and encompassed a wide variety of lands and environments. Morris-Ranken summarised the characteristics of land holdings in the Intermediate Districts as fo[...]ed in the Intermediate District Method of alienating Area (acres) % of total alienated land[...]36.81 % In Virtue of Improvements 1 954812[...]ted 25156612 The table confirms a number of points made earlier. Firstly, the squatters did not indulge in massive purchases of land before selection, only 2% overall of the Intermediate District was sold before 1862. S[...]ir purchases. However, this represented only 14 % of the overall land holding in the Intermedia[...] |
| [...]orris-Ranken examined settlement in sub-divisions of the Intermediate area and concluded that for Mona[...]other areas was characterised by the development of a number of larger freehold estates despite a large number of actual conditional purchases. In considering Division III, basically land to the west of the Barwon, Bogan and Lachlan rivers, Morris-Ranken considered that the lack of rainfall protected Crown leases from invasion by[...]ecting to extort the pastoralists. Less than 0.5% of the land had been selected as conditional purchases of which Morris-Ranken claim "two-thirds are dummies" (1883:27). Morris-Ranken concluded that the main area of conflict was in the intermediate districts where "the personal virtues of veracity and honourable dealing have been tarnished by the daily habit of intrigue, the practice of evading the law, and by declarations in defiance of fact universally made" (1883:29). In short, selec[...]ms to be realised on the ground, a certain amount of illegal practices had to occur, creating a problem of moral decay for squatters and selectors alike. The actual success of selection was seen as obscured by the shroud of departmental dealings, as there were no figures f[...]-Ranken developed their own measure, the creation of small holdings (40 to 1000 acres) which they argue shows that in Division II the proportion of small holdings created (0.01 %) is less than in t[...]ality land. At the same time 80 freehold holdings of 40,000 acres and upward were created. Selection w[...]er in a footnote to their report to the Secretary of the Lands Department, James Farnell noted, "to th[...]orris and Ranken had arrived from a consideration of the evidence taken by them. As this was not any part ofthe duties with the performance of which they were charged, that portion of the Report has not been accepted and consequently[...]ry letter). Morris-Ranken noted the desirability of harmonising all the various administrative divisi[...]ep. They also estimated approximate minimum sizes of land suitable for homesteads as 2,560 acres for D[...]). They also tentatively point out the advantages of some form of survey before selection (1883:35). Overall[...] |
| [...]114 realised that the process of debating and passing the act would take over a ye[...]own Lands Act 1884 (48 Vic c.18) and a new system of land administration was installed while retaining the principle of free selection before survey. Firstly, the Act di[...]. The LLBs also gave the selector the opportunity of appealing decisions without having to go the Supr[...]onal purchase was still allowed with nine classes of land being exempted (notable exemptions were towns, mining areas and the whole of the Western Division). Only one conditional purch[...]esidence. Improvements were expressed in the form of fencing in good order. Squatters runs (defined a[...]nal purchases could not be made, Homestead Leases of between 10240 acres and 5760 acres could be made within the resumed areas. These were a form of conditional purchase in that they aimed to allow[...]he legislation aimed at dealing with the problems of selection, firstly by reducing the level of conflict by giving squatters some security in the[...]that the environment played a part in the success of selection and developed a crude response to this by enlarging the size of selection as the carrying capacity of the land declined. In the Western Division, the pointlessness of small selection was recognised but a form of small selection was recognised by the introduction of Homestead Leases. The legislation also forced the rapid surveying of squatting runs (and in some cases parishes[...] |
| [...]The Crown Lands Act 1884 was followed by series of five amendments to rectify problems that should have been obvious during the passage of the bill. For example the Crown Lands Amendment A[...]ment debate in July 1888 at least five MLAs spoke of the need to urgently modify the fencing requirements of the 1884 act to allow other improvements to be su[...]tensive amendment was made in the Crown Lands Act of 1889 (53 Vic c21). The embedment firstly establis[...]d be taken. Other amendments clarified the rights of mortgagees to select land through the mortgagors, the rights of women, determined that conflicting applications c[...]ced a major amendment ofthe Lands Act to a chorus of dismay by members who remembered the year or more the 1884 Act took to pass. In introducing the Lands Act of 1895, the Secretary for Lands, Mr 1. H. Carruther[...]"we have alienated no less than 49,600,000 acres of land since 1861 to settle only an additional 199,000 in the country districts... in 1861 the average size of a holding was 280 acres, but in 1893 the average size of a holding was 726 acres" (NSW Parliamentary Debat[...]re was based on six principles: i. Respect of legal and vested rights. 11. To give more encouragement to occupiers of Crown Lands. Ill. That the fruits of a tenant's industry are his property. IV. Classifications of land so as to prevent conflicts and rivalries.[...]ers. "But chief above all I recognise the right of every man by virtue of his citizenship to acquire once in his lifetime -[...]oman ideal ran unchanged through the land debates of the nineteenth century. Selection in Vict[...] |
| [...]ote, a fann and a rifle') in September 1860 (Sale of Crown Lands Act 23 Vic 0 117). The details of the politics behind the passing of this legislation have been discussed by Searle (1963:296-300) and illustrate the strength of the Legislative Council in Victoria to obstruct a[...]wo classes ofland "special" -land within one mile of property purchased before the legislation; or close to a township of at least 250 inhabitants; or along existing lines of communication or water frontages. This special land was to be auctioned at an upset price of £1 per acre, 25% of purchase price to be paid within one month. The remaining land - "country" was to be surveyed in allotments of 80-640 acres,82 each to be subdivided into two eq[...]n 1862 report claims that in the first six months of 1860 a total of 442,643 acres of Crown Land was alienated, mostly in the Western district (powell 1967:295). The provisions of the Act were easily evaded. Careful purchases all[...]lect. With dummies the restrictions on the amount of land selected was avoided. Importantly dummies co[...]to blocks before sale. This limited the operation of the Nicholson Act to areas already surveyed mainl[...]ited from its passing. Powell notes that some 5/6 of the available land had been sold to squatters (po[...]the Manifolds who bought 60,000 acres as examples of squatters evading the Acts intent. However this w[...]in selectors helped by some administrative slight of hand to allow selection on commons and through oc[...]ttempt at selection legislation was the Duffy Act of 1862 (An Act to consolidate and amend the laws el[...]put forward by Gavan Duffy a well known supporter of selection. Earlier in the debates on selection, Duffy argued for assessment of land quality before opening areas for selection.[...]in the O'Shanassy 82The Act required the Board of Land and Works to survey three million acres within twelve months of the Act's passing. |
| [...]s in the Lands Department drawing upon the advice of officials to develop a map often million acres th[...]re to be opened for selection within three months of the passing of the Act, the balance being brought into play so t[...]s were available continuously. From the millions of acres the Board of Land and Works was supposed to survey, "Agricultural Areas" containing allotments of between 640 acres and 40 acres (depending on the nature of the land) each allotment being divided equally, w[...]c c145 Part II, Section 12 to 14). Under Part II of the Act, a selector could apply to purchase the whole allotment at the price of £1 per acre, or purchase one moiety and rent the[...]he lease for the moiety was for 8 years at a rent of 2/6 per acre payable in advance. If two applicati[...]as priority. Selections were limited to 640 acres of land per year and no infants, married women or no[...]tor was obliged to bring into cultivation a tenth of the land within a year of selection, erect a habitable dwelling, or enclose[...]stantial fence (25 Vic c145 Part II). The system of auctioning Crown Lands continued but was excluded[...]. This provision was to encourage the development of industry by making land available on easy terms.[...]ly evaded. The squatters' main tactic was the use of agents and dummies who would select land and then sell it on to the squatters. The loose wording of the legislation provided many loopholes. In parti[...]lector applied for land the squatter had the rest of the day to make conflicting applications, all of which would be in the ballot. The residential cla[...]were moved onto each lot as required. The process of evasion was so gross that it even began to effect[...]corrupt practices he was involved with "I am sick of the country, I am afraid I almost hate it" (quote[...]r" determined to make selection work. The concept of "Agricultural Areas" in the Duffy Act was continu[...]ade in person, agents not being allowed. In cases of conflicting applications for the same allotment t[...]was reduced from the same day to within one hour of the first selection. Lease of an allotment was for a term of seven years for a rent of 2/- per annum per acre subject to the foll[...] |
| [...]ce for three years plus improvements to the value of £1 per acre. There were options for purchase aft[...]ars at £1 per acre or auction plus the valuation of improvements. Leases were limited to 640 acres p[...]ummying. Section 31 presented the interpretation of "allotment" which limited the size of allotments and frontage, to under a mile of frontage along any "lake, lagoon, river, stream o[...]uding "cultivation, fencing, clearing or draining of an allotment and the making of dams, wells or reservoirs or of a habitable dwelling or farm or other buildings upon and permanently attached to the soil of such allotment". The problem of dummying was addressed by the Grant acts of 1865 and 1869 where an emphasis was placed on the[...]ive Council. The Second Grant Act, the Lands Act of 1869, has been described by Roberts as perhaps th[...]could apply for a license to occupy an allotment of land not exceeding 320 acres. The licence was iss[...]d substantial fence within two years, cultivation of one in ten acres and to make improvements of £1 per acre. At the end of three years, the selector could apply for a Crown[...]. The Second Grant Act prevented the building up of large estates, indeed it halved the amount of land available for selection. This is somewhat paradoxical given that the small size of holdings was generally held to be a primary cause of the failure of selectors. Powell in discussing this, notes that the Bill originally provided for selections of up to 640 acres, but from his reading of the Parliamentary Debates, he discerns that the Parliamentarians suffered from a "resurgence of the traditional view of the place of the 'yeoman'. 0 legislation could immediately produce such a class. It must create itself by dint of sacrifice and 'honest toil', but founded on the s[...]provided by the state" (powell 1970: 154). Most of the remaining agricultural land in Victori[...] |
| [...]report emphasised the poor economic circumstances of the selector especially in light of a severe drought on the northern and western plains from 1876 to 1879. The results of the initial investigations emphasised the financial difficulties of framers and following the publication of an interim report in 1878, an amending act was pa[...]d halved the rent per acre to 1/-. The conditions of improvement were all varied to reduce cost and ex[...]ognised the practice, common in NSW and Victoria, of selectors hiring a seasonal work force, typically[...]for agriculture84 and as Powell notes this aspect of the report allowed many myths about areas of Victoria to be dispelled and selection policy fra[...]ade minor amendments and continued the provisions of the Grant Act. The next legislative foray in 1883[...]e there were in effect none to abolish. The State of Victoria then moved on to various schemes to esta[...]is another sorry tale. The success or otherwise of selection In terms of the squatting landscape, the selection movement forced a pattern of small allotments over the countryside. Even if ul[...]ed by them. This pattern relates to the processes of selection and is an outcome the squatter/selector[...], to understand a squatting landscape, the detail of the various Land Acts needs to be understood as t[...]requirement on the 83 This is an edited version of the minutes of Evidence taken before the Royal Commission to inquire into the progress of settlement under the Land Act 1869. 84 The[...] |
| [...]120 selector (irrespective of who the selector was) to "improve" the land forced the clearing, fencing, ring-barking, damming and draining of land creating a changed landscape. The degree of change and its timing is an outcome of the squatter/selector interaction in a particular[...]il a few years ago the general historical opinion of the selection movement was that the movement was[...]a failure, "a squatting triumph in the best part of the colony" (1968: 242) and that so called safegu[...]s, such a broad judgement was made in the absence of detailed studies of specific squatting runs in local areas and relied too much on the evidence of various parliamentary reports. The conclusions of historians in recent years, was that in some areas free selection worked in achieving the aim of establishing small bona fide farmers. Ferry, for[...]hat in some areas around Armidale there was a mix of free selectors (1999:161-169). Some selectors were established on good agricultural land on parts of Saumarez run near Armidale, others had establishe[...]ry comments that important factors in the success of selecting was some amount of capital as well as the productive capacity of the land, "farming expectations were often unreal[...]nts a similar story for the Monaro where the case of James Litchfield is presented, although he may be an exception as he accumulated an estate of 20,000 acres as a selector. Other successful sele[...]azing runs (1972:92-96). In the Western district of Victoria, Powell points to selectors "developing considerable ingenuity in developing intricate network of intra-family and inter- family co-operation which had the effect of producing larger and better serviced operating units" (powell 1996:87). Co-operation allowed shortcomings of capital to be overcome and was important in succe[...]In the Riverina, probably the most prominent area of selector/squatter conflict, the success of selection was mixed. Buxton has argued against th[...]ful selectors and noted that following the advent of rail connections to the Narrandera region, there[...]d-1870s (1988:66-73). A key factor in the success of selecting was the access to markets for agricultu[...]ch as wheat86 and this was aided by the expansion of the railway network during the 1870s and 1[...] |
| [...]r. Thus, there is a case to argue for the success of selection. This is not to say that squatters did not use the various land acts to transfer much of their leased land into freehold land at a price a[...]ted into freehold estates, but often at the price of considerable debt to the squatter. The squatter's[...]e, there is variation in the success or otherwise of selection across South- Eastern Australia. In som[...]other selectors prospered. The few local studies of selection point to the role of the environment and the rural economy as well as the nature of an individual selector and family in determining success or otherwise of selection. These were factors often ignored by th[...]he capital cities who tended to blame the failure of the "yeoman myth" on the Lands Acts and their adm[...]1884 Crown Lands Act in NSW. Overall the history of squatting and selecting would be enhanced by more detailed studies of specific areas, taking into account environmental[...]PASTORAL Eco OMY The discussion on the history of selection has been allowed to run its course to t[...]ng in the pastoral economy that shaped the nature of squatting. There were two basic changes, firstly there was an overall change in the amount of investment in the pastoral industry and there was[...]in dairying. The change in land use was a result of declining wheat yields in the coastal regions due to the onset of rust in the 1860s and a subsequent moving of the ''wheat frontier" into drier areas. These were on the western edge of the Settled Districts in NSW around Bathurst and[...]veloped as a major industry after the development of the separator in the late 1870s and refrigeration[...]farmers turned to dairying as an alternative form of grazing (Peel 1974). |
| [...]122 Butlin has discussed the development of capital spending and traced the course of pastoral investment87 from 1860 to 1890 (1962b, B[...]in notes that from the 1860s until 1871 the level of pastoral investment was relatively modest. "In fact, with the exception of the two years 1868 and 1870 the level of new pastoral investment tended to decline throughout most of the sixties (1962b:325). From 1871, there was a[...]to 1877 when there was an extremely rapid period of investment. Butlin argues that most of this investment was in fencing rather than in oth[...]ols. "Fencing ... was the great rural achievement of the decade" (Budin 1962b:331). Butlin's second phase of investment was a short boom and a sharp slump in 1880-82 followed by a third phase of growth until a peak in 1892. Both these two phases were marked by equipment of pastoral stations by pioneers and speculators anxious to make a profit on the back of a high wool price and an expansion of grazing into the drier areas. This form of capital formation placed more emphasis on water c[...]see how this trend is related to the development of squatting landscapes. Although Butlin sees fencing as the great achievement of the 1870s, fencing of squatting runs (beyond fencing of cultivation paddocks and stock yards) began in th[...]ters increased their freehold land and as a means of reducing scab in sheep.88 Kiddie argues that alth[...]b and it also allowed the reduction in the number of shepherds (1962: 199-200). This became important[...]ire fencing was introduced. However the abundance of igneous surface stone in the Western District als[...]encing or runs by dry stone walls a defining part of the cultural landscape in the Western District an[...]Yanco Creek from the Murrumbidgee. The excavation of the canal, which was of dubious success, began in 87 Butlin defmes this as the value in current prices of the additions to durable physical assets other th[...]able amount. 88 Scab is a parasite and separation of an infected flock from a "clean" one helped prevent the spread of the disease. |
| [...]estment in fencing was coupled by the development of better sheep breeds, notable by the Peppin family[...]861. The Peppins combined the basic merino sheep (of mixed origins) with improved Rambouillet Merinos[...]od wool covering. This was achieved with the help of Thomas Shaw, his son Jonathan Shaw and Thomas Cun[...]an increase in sheep numbers; an intensification of grazing which was helped by relatively good seaso[...]uction. Linking the runs were transport networks of riverboats, railways, and roads. The riverboats s[...]ay-Darling system. Railways became from the 1870s of increasing importance especially as railways from[...]lished throughout NSW to allow the legal movement of stock across squatting runs. These were supported[...]were used by pastoralists in droughts as sources of feed and large mobs of sheep and cattle were sent on the road to see wha[...]listed the physical assets (apart from livestock) of a typical station of the 1890s as an example of the capital investment that a well-equipped sheep[...]Robert Campbell & Co. to help improve the quality of the wool clip. His son, also Thomas Shaw,[...] |
| [...]124 ii) Outbuildings of kitchen, store, blacksmith's shop, shearing and w[...]Stockyards ii) Boundary fences of posts and wire or of posts, rails and wire C) Water conservatio[...]onservation which increased the carrying capacity of arid lands into which the pastoral industry was expanding. 9O As well, the increased prevalence of rabbits in the late 1880s resulted in the need to invest in wire net fencing as some measure of control. The expansion into the arid areas was also helped by "a remarkable run of highly favourable climatic conditions" from the 1[...]Holding (No 612, Central District) is an example of a pastoral station of the late 1880s. The Parnell family based at Maitl[...]this to sheep in 1884 following their experience of the 1877-78 drought. Sheep were seen as requiring less water than cattle. The division of the holding into Resumed and Leasehold areas resulted in an evaluation of the land in 1887 and this evidence gives a snapsh[...]was bordered on the west by Marra Creek. A series of water reserves all created in 1882 dominate the r[...]Budin notes the source material on the economics of individual stations is very limited, he drew on the information from the archives of the large pastoral fmancing companies which took[...]inal run was Wyabray. 92 Wybray was about a third of the size ofWillandra Run (347, 201 acres) one of the biggest runs and three times the size[...] |
| [...]s frontage on the west to Mara creek and a series of selections and a water reserve protect the Yeoman[...]re 4.4 which dates to 1901 but shows more details of the improvements than earlier plans). Away from the creek on the eastern side of the runs and on the Back runs, Back Willoi Back U[...]de in the leasehold area, all were made in virtue of improvement of building the tankS. 93 These improvements, as wel[...]nt £6000 on water improvements The appraisement of the leasehold area of Wyabray Pastoral Holding was undertaken by the Bo[...]il 1887. The improvements listed by the Inspector of Runs, Edward Burton Lytton Dickens 94 were[...]deep on Crown Land 93 Among one of the tanks is Cuddie Springs, which was dug in 187[...]important Pleistocene Aboriginal site. 94 The son of Charles Dickens. |
| [...]~ Figure 4.4 Plan of Wyabray Pastoral Holding, 1901 Two wel[...]Division, SRNSW 3/5250 The evidence of John Able Yeomans, the managing partner ofWyabray[...]mans (Folio 87/5253), emphasised the difficulties of Wyabray being a viable property without considera[...]fodder. As well the distance to markets and cost of[...] |
| [...]approaching the run". The pattern of settlement is one of constructing water conservation[...]ocks. Similar descriptions of squatting runs can be found in Shaw (1987) for Ya[...]a unique visual representation of Bundaleer Plains and Tatala runs by F.M. Rothery[...]only the merest suggestion of a garden or any but the barest of improvements (see Figure 4.5). This relates to the distance of the run from "civilisation" and its status as a[...]would allow. This picture of the plain manager's house is very differen[...] |
| [...]d intensifying in western NSW a remarkable period of homestead construction was occurring in Victoria.[...]in the 1840s and 1850s but "in a five year burst of homestead redevelopment the powerful long establi[...]ies were to transform the architectural character of western Victoria (Willingham 1984:74). This invol[...]ects involved, the precise reasons for this burst of construction remain obscure save for comments tha[...]ould it be that the homestead building was a form of celebration of the squatters' success in fending of the selectors? Certainly there is nothing on the Western District scale of housing to be found in the Riverina although Free[...]was to protect squatter's assets and so the price of the assets could, through the mechanism of Improvement Purchases, be offset against the upse[...](1970:134). There were also the associated costs of improving the land as required under the various Acts. Most of the capital for the pastoral expansion in the Wes[...]seems indubitable that the industry was incapable of providing from its own resources, more than a small fraction of the total capital requirements" (1962:388). In the early period of squatting most of the capital had come from a variety of sources, banks, merchants, partnerships of friends, relatives and so on. However the demands of pastoral finance lead to the development of banks and non-bank pastoral finance houses. Both[...]ith providing finance to the pastoralist. Because of their size and nature they were also a tap for fo[...]utlin and Barnard trace an all too familiar story of increasing indebtedness based on the rising, if s[...]ces. "In the early eighties personal indebtedness of £ 100,000, secured by station mortgages, was by[...]ks and Pastoral companies were registered holders of 50% of Western Division leases (Cain 1962:436). |
| [...]129 THE 1890s DEPRESSIO A 0 THE E 0 OF SQUATTI G The 1890s brought together a series of trends in the pastoral industry of increased production costs and decreasing wool pr[...]and in the end decides that it was a combination of both (1971:77). Wool prices began to decline in 1[...]wool to coarser wool which compounded the effect of low prices (Boehm 1971 :80-83). On the production side Boehm points to the trend of increasing costs of production in the 1880s through increased Crown rents, labour costs, costs of establishing stations in arid areas and interest[...]environment and ultimately the carrying capacity of the run. The 1890s Depression seems to have begun with the collapse of the speculative urban land boom in Melbourne whic[...]he late 1880s but which was obscured by a variety of factors until 1891 when the tightening money market caused an number of land companies and Banks to crash (Boehm 1971 :255). This, in turn lead to a series of collapses and bankruptcies until the Banking Crisis of April and May 1893. As a result capital dried up[...]Queensland (see Butlin 1962a:Table 1). The impact of drought and rabbits devastated the Western Division ofNSW, cutting wool production. As well the lack of fodder on stock routes prevented the movement of stock to markets. Although there were also econo[...]Australia until 1893. At this point the cessation of British lending and calls for debt to be repaid combined with environmental problems of the pastoral industry as well as the decline in wool prices curtailed the ability of pastoralists to pay back debt or even service int[...]with no choice but to initially take some control of pastoral operations and eventually foreclose and take over management of stations for themselves. The end result was that[...]toral companies were left managing a large number of pastoral stations in NSW and Queensland mostly in[...]nd pastoral companies were the registered holders of 13% and 4% of pastoral holdings in the Western Division respect[...]1891 the fIgures were 17% and 33% (i.e. 50%) half of the pastoral holdings (Cain 1962:435-436). |
| [...]tensifying in western W a remarkable period of homestead construction was occurring in Victoria.[...]in the 1840s and 1850s but "in a five year burst of homestead redevelopment the powerful long establi[...]ies were to transform the architectural character of western Victoria (Willingham 1984:74). This invol[...]ects involved, the precise reasons for this burst of construction remain obscure save for comments tha[...]ould it be that the homestead building was a form of celebration of the squatters' success in fending off the selecto[...]y, there is nothing on the Western District scale of housing to be found in the Riverina although Free[...]was to protect squatter's assets and so the price of the assets could, through the mechanism of Improvement Purchases, be offset against the upse[...](1970: 134). There were also the associated costs of improving the land as required under the various Acts. Most of the capital for the pastoral expansion in the Wes[...]seems indubitable that the industry was incapable of providing from its own resources, more than a small fraction of the total capital requirements" (1962:388). In the early period of squatting most of the capital had come from a variety of sources, banks, merchants, partnerships of friends, relatives and so on. However, the demands of pastoral finance lead to the development of banks and non-bank pastoral finance houses. Both[...]ith providing finance to the pastoralist. Because of their size and nature they were also a tap for fo[...]utlin and Barnard trace an all too familiar story of increasing indebtedness based on the rising, if s[...]ces. "In the early eighties personal indebtedness of £100,000, secured by station mortgages, was by n[...]ks and Pastoral companies were registered holders of 50% of Western Division leases (Cain 1962:436). |
| [...]129 THE 1890s DEPRE SIO A 0 THE E 0 OF QUATTING The 1890s brought together a series of trends in the pastoral industry of increased production costs and decreasing wool pr[...]and in the end decides that it was a combination of both (1971:77). Wool prices began to decline in 1[...]wool to coarser wool which compounded the effect of low prices (Boehm 1971 :80-83). On the production side Boehm points to the trend of increasing costs of production in the 1880s through increased Crown rents, labour costs, costs of establishing stations in arid areas and interest[...]environment and ultimately the carrying capacity of the run. The 1890s Depression seems to have begun with the collapse of the speculative urban land boom in Melbourne whic[...]he late 1880s but which was obscured by a variety of factors until 1891 when the tightening money market caused a number of land companies and Banks to crash (Boehm 1971 :255). This, in tum lead to a series of collapses and bankruptcies until the Banking Crisis of April and May 1893. Therefore capital dried up an[...]Queensland (see Butlin 1962a:Table 1). The impact of drought and rabbits devastated the Western Division ofNSW, cutting wool production. As well, the lack of fodder on stock routes prevented the movement of stock to markets. Although there were also econo[...]Australia until 1893. At this point the cessation of British lending and calls for debt to be repaid combined with environmental problems of the pastoral industry as well as the decline in wool prices curtailed the ability of pastoralists to pay back debt or even service int[...]with no choice but to initially take some control of pastoral operations and eventually foreclose and take over management of stations for themselves. The end result was that[...]toral companies were left managing a large number of pastoral stations in NSW and Queensland mostly in[...]nd pastoral companies were the registered holders of 13% and 4% of pastoral holdings in the Western Division respect[...]1891 the figures were 17% and 33% (i.e. 50%) half of the pastoral holdings (Cain 1962:435-436). |
| [...]130 The wholesale taking over of pastoral properties by mortgagees marks the end of the squatter and of squatting. By the 1890s, many of the original squatters and their families had left the land or were proprietors of large freehold estates. Others were reduced to being tenants of banks or ruined altogether. In some areas such as parts of Central SW the squatting runs were beginning to b[...]following a Royal Commission the entire situation of grazing was reviewed and the Western Lands Commission was established to manage the land. The emergence of wholesale absentee ownership of squatting runs marks the end of husbanding the run. A manager was valued for his[...]rather than the economically intangible benefits of respectability. These changes are well expressed[...]ritten in 1890. The poem contrasts the happy days of squatting and the generous, amiable squatter Kile[...]On Kiley's run." CONCLUSIO The beginning of the 1850s saw the squatters in secure possession of much of South- Eastern Australia and slowly moving into t[...]l established in society and politics. The advent of responsible government saw lands policy placed in the hands of State Parliaments whose Upper houses were dominat[...]less democratically elected. The immediate effect of the gold rushes was to increase the prosperity of the squatters, the long term effect was to force[...]nst the Yeoman Farmers. Selection was an outcome of the changes to Australia in the 1850s where a combination of responsible government, a large increase of population following the gold rushes and ideology of domesticity resulted in the demand for small farm[...]yeoman farmer". Faced with squatters leasing most of South-Eastern Australia the parliamentary represe[...]on acted to legislate to implement the principals of selection which they hoped would support the yeoman ideal. The actual methods of achieving selection varied between the states. The yeoman ideal remained constant throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century and well into the t[...] |
| [...]131 The implementation of selection was by a process of legislation, regulation, and bureaucracy, which i[...]s alike used this process to realise their ideals of domesticity, the squatter by trying to create an[...]trying to create a small farm. Thus, the pattern of settlement and the creation of the landscape were undertaken in the context of this legislative regime. Obscure sections and interpretations of the old Lands Acts are often of crucial importance in shaping the landscape. The[...]h little regard for the geography and environment of South-Eastern Australia. The limitation on the size of selector's holdings created farms that were inher[...]over, the distance from markets limited the range of farming options available for the selector. Selec[...]d conflict between the squatter and selector both of who were striving to achieve the same ideals, often on the same land. This perhaps explains the varied level of squatter response to selecting. In many cases, th[...]r own estates. In other cases, there was a degree of accommodation between squatter and selector. The[...]pter was the continuing expansion and development of the wool industry into the arid western plains an[...]reeds, fencing large paddocks and the development of water conservation measures such as dams and tank[...]toral lease. This increased the carrying capacity of land and buoyed by good prices for wool a considerable amount of money was spent establishing pastoral stations in[...]to collapse due to overstocking, the introduction of rabbits, the growth of scrub, and a series of extensive droughts. This was coupled with a sever[...]nd the 1890s depression finished off the old form of squatting. Selection either forced the squatter into debt, collapse, and the breakup of the run or allowed the squatter to turn his lease[...]t where selection was less important the collapse of the wool industry and the effects of the drought forced the Government to act to save[...]Western Lands Leases extinguishing the old forms of squatting tenure. |
| [...]133 CHOICE OF TH ST DY RE The next chapters (6, 7 & 8) look at examples of the cultural landscapes created by squatters to e[...]tics: • It should be outside the limits of location and be fIrst settled by squatters in the period of initial squatter expansion. • The landh[...]first squatting settlement until the end of the squatting era. • There should be archaeological evidence, preferably in the form a sequence of squatter created landscapes. •[...]amilies on the make rather than company ownership of runs. Choosing appropriate landscapes to study was difficult in that there was so much of South-Eastern Australia to choose from. Initially the Western District of Victoria was targeted as the author was familiar[...]. 96 The Western District contains a large number of well-documented homesteads and landscapes and was[...]n obvious place to begin. However, the logistics of working and studying in Sydney meant that an area[...]ttention was drawn to the areas to the south west of Sydney, as they were a convenient 3-4 hours drive[...]ween Yass and Albury was looked at. However, much of the land in the area has been broken up into smal[...]ting landscape did not promise to have the degree of integrity required for this study. The Monaro was[...]was a little too far from Sydney. In the course of selecting a study area, Lanyon in the Australia Capital Territory (ACT97) was looked at, more out of interest in landscapes rather than with much inte[...]Lanyon's owners clearly were in the upper levels of society (although not of the highest) and they were also squatters depastu[...]mits and occupying squatting runs over the limits of location. In the Canberra area, the Murrumbidgee was the boundary of the limits of location. At Lanyon the limits were easily crosse[...]g on the season and crossing location. The owners of 96 As a student then as an employee of the Victoria Archaeological Survey. 97 Created after Federation out of the State of ew South Wales to form the capital of Australia. For the period under considerat[...] |
| [...]runs and their owners worth studying in the area of Lanyon and the Valleys to the south. The land was still in use for pastoral p~oses and appeared to be of high integrity. A chance encounter with Stephen Avery 8 on an archaeological survey of Lanyon alerted me to the de Salis diaries which promised to give a unique insight into the squatters of the region. The other logistical factor was the C[...]nent squatting families in the area. Suitability of tbe study area The area meets the criteria outlined above as follows: 1. The limits of location actually are the Murrumbidgee River that[...]ere established in the early 1830s at the time of squatting expansion. 2. The land remained predom[...]Federation. 3. There is an identifiable sequence of squatter ownership. Each run is largely undeve[...]w the Tuggeranong Town Centre), northern parts of Lanyon and areas of Pine Forest. The remaining area is still under[...]rea still had the potential to retain evidence of previous landscapes and related archaeological[...]documented, in particular the cultural landscape of the so-called Lanyon bowl has been studied by[...]documented having had three histories written of it as well as a conservation analysis and analysis of the gardens. The diaries of George de Salis begun in 1869 document in detail the day to day activities of the de Salis family. In addition, the Conditional[...]for the area survive in the State Records of SW. Taken together these form a comprehensive historical record of the study area. 98 Stephen Avery had just finished an honours thesis in which he made use of the de Salis diaries. |
| [...]135 5. All the families had some degree of social prominence; Wright was a magistrate, Cu[...]well respected in the community, de Salis was of aristocratic stock and was an MLC from 1873, his[...]at various times. McKeahnie was respected because of his humble origins and success. Incidentally,[...]6. Finally, it was thought that Lanyon comprised of a number of buildings and structures from the Wright era w[...]ided to focus on the pioneering and establishment of Lanyon and Cuppacumbalong by James Wright and John Lanyon. This covered the themes of pioneering and from squatter to squattocracy. It[...]s conveniently cover the squatting era. Overview of runs in the area The sequence of squatting runs in the area around Lanyon and Thar[...]e studies. Lanyon itself was located on the edge of the limits of location, which is the Murrumbidgee River in the County of Murray. Lanyon was established in 1835 by James W[...]k seems to have been run in the hills to the east of Lanyon on Crown Land. Wright also took up Cuppac[...]s the Naas valley. Later he created Boroombah out of Cuppacumbalong for his wife's family, the Davis's[...]a in 1841. Colonel Thomas Hiah Macquoid, Sheriff of the Supreme Court ofNSW purchased Tuggeranong (or Wanniassa) which, like Lanyon, was located on the edge of the limits and had a squatting run called Fre hfo[...]gwarrah. Macquoid also went insolvent to the tune of £2,792-10-3 which unfortunately was |
| [...]d pay his fathers debts (he earned the admiration of society for this activity). He sold Freshford to Andrew Cunningham and some land at annia sa (part of Tuggeranong) was leased to tenants. At the time w[...]enby. Both died on the return voyage in the wreck of the Dunbar 1857. Following this, Andrew Cunningham was able to purchase much of Tuggeranong from Macquoids estate. Cunningham bou[...]n and in 1893 the Union Bank took over management of the runs and later sold them to the partnership of Campbell and Circuit. By the 1870s the Murrumbid[...]a considerable amount (as conditional purchases) of the estates as well. This pattern of land ownership remained until Federation. After Federation much of the land was resumed by the Government and became[...]ined under pastoral occupation with the exception of much of Tuggeranong and the north-eastern part of Lanyon, both are covered with urban sprawl, which[...]nd and tacky. Extensive pine forests forming part of the Pierces Creek Pine Plantation are planted on the northern parts of the Congwarra run. A similar plantation is found[...]usly the hilly terrain and the undeveloped nature of the area lead it to become the site for as[...] |
| [...]IRO ME T This section outlines the environment of the study area in broad regional terms and serves as a point of reference from which the landscapes to be studied can be described. Geology The geology of Canberra region is relatively well known with sev[...]ographic units have been identified in the region of the study area (see Evans 1987:3, other authors h[...]elly Uplands The Mount Kelly Uplands are an area of high relief and valleys to the west of the Murrumbidgee fault. The underlying geology is formed by the granites of Murrumbidgee batholith and it is often called by[...]tern edge by a prominent escarpment. The valleys of the Cotter, Paddy's, Orroral, Naas and Gudgenby rivers are included in this unit. A characteristic of these valleys is that they are quite open in thei[...]and they narrow and deepen as they reach the edge of the Mount Kelly Uplands, run over the Murrumbidge[...]ys" behind the escarpment immediately to the west of the Murrumbidgee fault. It is of interest to note that some rivers and streams act[...]ck Highlands This is the north-western extension of the Tinderry Range and is separated from the Moun[...]n to the north east until they reach the vicinity of Queanbeyan where they run north along Sullivans fault. The underlying geology is volcanics of the Deakin and Laidlaw formation. The terrain is[...]to 1000m on local hill crests. Once on the crest of the ridges and hills there are small open areas of relatively flat terrain. The hills and slopes are marked by outcrops of stone forming scree slopes on the valley s[...] |
| [...]h lie the Canberra plains noted as being a series of plains with relic hills of more resistant material (such as Black Mountain)[...]umbidgee rivers. Van Dijk has identified a series of five peneplains created by phases of erosion and stability in the Canberra area (1959), mainly along the valley of the Molonglo River. He has correlated these with[...]hronologically (see below). Climate The climate of the region has been discussed by Pryor and Brewer[...]ts - defined by McAlpine and Yapp as a succession of weeks where the soil moisture storage remains at[...]authors show that between 1901 and 1960 droughts of over four months duration occurred for 20% of the time (1969:73). Interestingly they do not dis[...]ker (1979) and Walker (1978) have mapped a series of soil-landscape associations throughout the ACT wh[...]o applicable to other areas. Such classification of soils masks more complex processes of soil formation and landscape evolution. Van Dijk (1959) and Kellet (1980) have studied the processes of soil formation and landscape evolution in the reg[...]He identified four major landscape surfaces, each of which had been eroded into by streams, and by she[...]lly filled by sediment deposited after each phase of erosion. Van Dijk identified five cycles of soil formation and landscape erosion-depos[...] |
| [...]141 Kellet, in his investigation of the hydrogeology of two stream basins at Lanyon, identified a similar set of landsurfaces and erosion-deposition cycles in the[...]til threshold conditions are reached then periods of rapid erosion. These cycles are controlled by loc[...]nge over time in the region (not just as a result of recent clearing). It also demonstrates that soil formation processes are not just the simple result of paedogenesis on bedrock but in some areas (notabl[...]ttoms, river terraces and plains) are the results of complex patterns of pre-contact landscape evolution. Vegetation "Th[...]sponds to the 2000ft contour in the neighbourhood of the site (presumably Canberra). Below this line t[...]iffith Taylor in 1910 identifying the key feature of the regional vegetation pattern, the expanse of treeless grassland plains and the marked tree lin[...]tween hills and plains to account for the absence of trees (1918:684-688). Pryor and later Burbidge an[...]that the grasslands were created by a combination of low rain and low temperature (1954:165). At the time of Pryor's writing, anthropogenic explanations for the occurrence of grasslands were not considered relevant. However,[...]nal burning practices assisted in the maintenance of grassland. Themeda grasslands are well known to r[...]and plant species as well as promoting the growth of plant foods. Evidence for the role of Aborigines in burning adjacent to the Monaro plai[...]Kangaroo Grass (Themeda australia) with a mixture of Poa caespitosa on wetter, heavier soils and Stipa[...]idered that the alteration to the original extent of grasslands was so great that he could not set out[...]Surrounding the grasslands was a savanna woodland of widely spaced dominant trees (typically E. mel/id[...]is limited to elevations below 760mm and rainfall of about 58cm per year. At higher elevations[...] |
| [...]ominant species fonn a closed canopy with a layer of small shrubs underneath.[...]high. Underneath the closed canopy lies a stratum of Acacia and under this a tall s[...]On the extreme western and southern areas of the region are Alpine Woodlands dominated by E. niphophila with a scattering of shrubs and grasses. These areas[...]tudy area is largely dominated by the unique fonn of the rivers and streams within[...]gorges are flats, broad open areas of grassland with a swampy bottom. Flats, despite[...]ot flat but gently undulating. Around the margins of the flats is a distinctive tre[...]go upstream you move through an area of gorge and then into a flat then another[...]at Tharwa is at 580m, Naas at 650m. The elevation of the two runs to the west, Gudg[...]through gorges and semi-gorges the steep margins of streams makes it difficult for[...]ctually access the rivers thus reducing the value of river frontages in many areas[...]idual to dominate a large area of land by selecting or peacocking the frontage of a particular area. The Lands Department tried to control this by limiting the amount of frontage an individual[...] |
| [...]e study illustrates the formation and maintenance of a typical squatting landscape in this period from[...]run - Cuppacumbalong. 99 After a brief overview of the settlement in the Canberra region, the process of pioneering and establishing Lanyon is discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the development of the run as a mixture of freehold and squatting settlement with a combination of agriculture and sheep grazing. Wright's bankruptcy and ultimate sale of Lanyon is then discussed. The evidence of the age of buildings, structures and landscape at Lanyon is discussed in order to establish some idea of the landscape during Wrights occupancy. Finally,[...]oneering, Wright's social status and the question of whether the landscape was one of "captive labour" or not. REGIONAL SETTLEMENT The settlement of the Canberra region began with initial exploratio[...]k to the Judge Advocate, was issued with a ticket of occupation for land at Canberry on the Molonglo R[...]afterwards Robert Campbell was granted 4000 acres of land in the Limestone Plains area as compensation for his losses in the wreck of the Sydney in 1816 (Steven 1966:281, 297). Campbell established his grant to the north of the Molonglo at Duntroon. Soon after his brother-[...]small settlement established at the head station of each run where more intensive agriculture occurre[...]re absent in Sydney. By 1828, a small settlement of some eight runs on the Limestone Plains had been established. Most of the runs were established along the Molonglo River and were on large tracts of freehold land obtained either by grant, as in the case of Campbell, or by purchase. Some landholders and ot[...]r example, Timothy Beard, a 99The main buildings of Lanyon homestead are now preserved as a popular historic site on the outskirts of Canberra in the ACT. |
| [...]r moved on from Queanbeyan when John Stephen, son of the Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court ofNSW, applied for the land to[...]in 1826 (Lea-Scarlett 1968: 13-14). This pattern of squatting appears to have been quite common (Lea-[...]tlement in NSW before the huge pastoral expansion of the 1830s. Following the example of Higginbotham (1993), the Census has been used to[...]6621 7186 1 This is an amalgamation of all Campbell's holdings and it is impossible to u[...]es. I have used the latter as that was the size of Moore's grant at Canberra. Table 2 Landow[...] |
| [...]147 The settlement pattern in 1828 consisted of large properties owned by absentee landlords base[...]ties listed can be placed in the Canberra region, of which all, except Molonglo, can be described as b[...]ne small property - Jier. The owners were members of the colonial Gentry and the properties were manag[...]an was a squatting run on Crown Land as the ratio of stock to land shows. Molonglo was unique in the l[...]e family. Settlement was focused along the course of the Molonglo River and grants had virtually locke[...]in this area. In the settlement at Canberra many of the elements of Government land policy (discussed in Chapter 3) a[...]n. Moore first occupied his land under the Ticket of Occupation system. Campbell received his land as[...]re, Murdoch and Johnston all claimed land because of their position in society. Beard was a squatter,[...]Land without much authority and as an emancipist of a lower class, he was of the skulking squatter type. There are no details[...]The land was granted because it was in the County of Murray which was within the limits oflocation in October 1829. It is of interest to note that such large estates were established on the extreme edge of settlement: this indicates the pressure on grazin[...]s, which was an important factor in the expansion of squatting. Four properties, Duntroon, Ginnindarr[...]as running sheep and cattle. However, in the case of Duntroon and Ginnindarra the number of labourers listed in the Census indicate that there was a reasonable amount of cultivation as well. Presumably this was the growing of root and grain crops. A split in activities betwe[...]ith nine shepherds and seven labours, the balance of workers were the Blacksmith, Shoemaker and Superi[...]longer. In the Census just over a quarter (28%) of the land is listed as cleared. This seems to be a[...]0.7%) is more likely to measure the actual extent of clearing and bringing the land into agricultural production. Of a population of 79, there are only four women and three family gr[...]also unusual in being an ex-convict among a group of mostly respectable land owners. Campbell and the Palmers were respected colonial Gentry although not of the first rank because of their involvement in commerce. Robert |
| [...]Of, ~\ Figure 6.1 detail showing the Canberra region from Map of the Colony of New South Wales, 1834 |
| [...]149 Campbell was a member of the Legislative Council from 1825 and was a leading member of colonial society. The Canberra area is depicted on Mitchell's Map of the Colony ofNSW, which although published in 1834 was based on a series of surveys from 1828, onwards (Andrews 1992). The Ca[...]s, the Canberra region was surveyed within a year of the Census. The survey was a trigonometrical survey inherently more accurate than those of early explorers and thus it provides the first reasonably accurate map of the Canberra region. The map reproduced as Figur[...]un around this time. There is no evidence however of settlement in the Lanyon area before 1834. The r[...]ttern in 1829 would have been a sparse collection of buildings and cultivation plots forming the eight[...]Settlement would be sparse and little in the way of impact on the environment would be seen. Looking[...]wards Lanyon, Naas, and the mountains no evidence of settlement would be seen although no doubt the sm[...]NG THE ISABELLA PLAI S Peter Murdoch, a cousin of Governor Brisbane, who had served the Government as Superintendent of the Emu Plains government farm and later at the c[...]t Maria Island, received a grant for his services of 2000 acres of land. The land he applied for on the Isabella Pla[...]as established on what is now Portion 203, Parish of Tuggeranong, then also known as Isabella Plains ([...]n was not strictly legal, and generally consisted of an ephemeral out-station, three shepherds 100 Robert Johnston son of Colonel Johnston of the Rum Rebellion. |
| [...]nd Joe Beard at Mount Tennent, which isjust south of Lanyon (Andrews 1979:63). Lhotsky, although visit[...]o may be inaccurate as regards location and names of those occupying land there. Subsequent evidence s[...]ficult to reconstruct. Ray discusses the evidence of a map drawn by surveyor Henry White dated 15/01/1[...]y agree that "Timothy" Beard was a prior occupier of the land around Lanyon from around 1834. When sur[...]ry 1835 drew up the portion plan for the purchase of Lanyon he noted Beard's station on what became Po[...]matter by reading an inscription on Lanyon's plan of Portion 64 (see Figure 6.6) as "Hurst's sheep sta[...]heep station" and this is born out by examination of Hoddie's original field books (Figure 6.2) that s[...]area as Beard's sheep station without any mention of "Hurst". Another question is raised by mention of George Webb's supposed occupation of Lanyon in 1834 and dispute with Wright and Lanyon. Moore discusses this but fails to supply any evidence of the sources of his tale (Moore 1982:14). Ray (1981:2) records th[...]her than Webb's residence. The principal evidence of a dispute is in Davis Wright's reminiscences wher[...]ruary 1835. I think this map may have been a copy of Dixon's 1826 map updated. It is difficult to tell though as the ational Library holds a copy of the map but not the original, which seems to be l[...]to be dated by the lithograph, which in the case of charting maps only provides a terminus post quem.[...]ce the 1960s. However a copy made in 1911 as part of the creation of the ACT survives in Canberra. Hoddle's fie[...] |
| [...]M 3/143 Figure 6.3 Plan of Portions of land applied for to purchase under the regulations of 1st August 1831 by John Hamilton Mortimer[...] |
| [...]miniscences, suggesting that Webb was in the area of Lanyon around 1835. Webb may have been the indivi[...]cussed later). Hoddle's field books show a number of huts along the Murrumbidgee in addition to Beard'[...]1833 the regional landscape would have consisted of several major pastoral holdings on the Canberra plains situated mainly along the Molonglo River. Some of these would have had temporary out-stations occup[...]ross the plains. In the valleys beyond the limits of location smaller squatters such as Herbert at Naa[...]John Hamilton Mortimer Lanyon ventured in search of a grazing run. ESTABLlSHI G LA YO Ru[...]James Wright was born about 1797, one ofthe sons of William Wright a merchant of Derbyshire and later Surrey. He seems to have com[...]o in correspondence as "esquire" which was a sign of respectability. All we know about Wright's background is based on the memories of his son William Davis Wright. According to Davis[...]d was described as a "merchant". Little is known of John Hamilton Mortimer Lanyon. Born in England in[...]ess (1982:13). However, Ray points to the absence of Lanyon on the passenger list and his presence on that of the Medway as evidence that Wright and Lanyon did[...]e second is Pam Ray' history commissioned as part of the conservation planning for Lanyon. Finally several years later is Chamber's history commissioned as part of Lanyon's interpretation. As will become apparent in the course of this chapter, each has their strengths and[...] |
| [...]on Wright, James Wright may have had the majority of the capital while John Lanyon, provided the youth[...]pril 1840. His brothers were William, 4th Officer of the East Indiaman Hythe, who died 18 November 1831 "by the upsetting of a boat in the Canton river" and Charles, a notabl[...]ounds and had connections with trade and a degree of respectability. As such they were typical of what de Serville identified as "men of substance and respectability" (1980:32). This group was outside "good society" but formed the core of land owners, squatters, civil servants, and profe[...]rank behind the Campbells and Palmers, who while of the same social rank, had acquired a pre-eminance[...]e that either Wright or Lanyon had any experience of sheep farming. Lanyon only remained in Australia[...]left an indelible mark on the country in the form of his name. William Wright, James' eldest brother[...]balance ofthe Lanyon estate. James Wright's list of creditors include the following, described as cas[...]mercial interests into Australia. Presumably news of the commercial opportunities in the sheep industr[...]ospect, William Wright was sent out with the bulk of the capital. John Lanyon may have been a f[...] |
| [...]155 he was destined to be the manager of the property. This was a typical arrangement havi[...]ctoria. Initial occupation The precise sequence of events leading to Wright and Lanyon's occupation of Lanyon is unclear. Chambers claims that "Wright a[...]Lanyon (1987:1). While this seems a likely course of action, Chambers does not supply convincing evide[...]the nearest settler" (1982: 13), despite evidence of Beard's occupation of a site on Lanyon. Moore also gives an account of the activities of establishing themselves on the site, again based on no evidence although it is likely from other accounts of settling that they followed a similar procedure.[...]land fronted the Murrumbidgee River and the rear of the blocks rested on the hills. The northern boundary of the land was Murdoch land. Four lots were surveye[...]960 acres The land was sold at an upset price of 5/- per acre at auction on the 13th February 1835[...]otal estate was 4790 acres and at the upset price of 5/- per acre would have cost £1197 to establish.[...]a much larger squatting run. Presumably, the lack of secure tenure was the reason, which points to a conservatism in his financial dealings. 104One of the frustrating aspects of these histories is their lack of references. I have been told that Moore drew on a number of original documents in his possession, whic[...] |
| [...]n commissioned by James Wright and to be the work of a Sydney draftsman (1982:20). This ignores the evidence of the annotation as Lanyon's block never was owned[...]t purchase all the portions. The provenance of these maps is slightly mysterious. They ar[...] |
| [...]" Figure 6.4 Plan of Lanyon (sourced to the ACT Heritage nit)[...]p to 1834 (1981:26) which is wrong given the date of the land purchases. This plan is regarded by some[...]laoue-Long 1993:82) as indicating Lanyon's dreams of a massive pastoral expansion. Blair and Claoue-Long comment "The sketch map of L' Anyon estate is attributed to John Lanyon. It[...]joining the Lanyon property" (1993:82). This view of the map as a veritable Schlieffen plan of pastoral dominance goes far beyond the evidence of the plan itself. The annotations on the pl[...] |
| [...]\ . Figure 6.5 Plan of L' nyon Estate (sourced to CT Heritage nit) adjacent to Wright's and Lanyon's purchases in terms of grazing capability this was a typical annotation to plans of that time. Who knows what Lanyon's dreams of pastoral conquest were? Both maps show some of the features on the property. Figure 6.6 shows a[...]and sheep station on Portion 64. This is the site of Beard's huts, which are in the area just north of the Tharwa Road and south of Lanyon homestead. There is no indication of any construction on the site of the present Lanyon homestead. The map is also annotated on the west bank of the _ |
| [...]not occurred at this time. Based on the depiction of two huts it is suggested that the hut located on[...]men occupying the other hut to the south. Remains of this hut have been searched for by a number of archaeologists but no archaeological evidence of its location has been found. By the end of 1836, the Lanyon estate consisted of some 4770 acres of freehold land. The freehold land took in two dist[...]y Ranges that run roughly north-south to the east of Wrights freehold land. The configuration of these ranges, the Murrumbidgee River and Mount Tennent, combine to form a sort of bowl shaped landscape, termed "the Lanyon bowl"(Taylor et ai. 1987). The rest of the Lanyon estate is located within this bowl although the freehold land only extends to the base of the steeply rising slopes. Immediately east of the freehold land, the hills steeply rise in a si[...]metre wide and then rises moderately to the crest of the ranges. The rising flanks of Lanyon Hill would not have been good sheep countr[...]st would have been good sheep country. The bottom of the Lanyon bowl would have also been good for she[...]ugh it. Squatting options could be to put a flock of sheep up into the valley to the east and graze ca[...]e them and had to be removed as he was in the way of Wright's plan to occupy the land as a squatting run. With the passing of the 1836 "An Act to restrain the unauthorised occ[...]it was now legal for squatting outside the limits of location to occur. A hitherto unpublished letter of 15 th September 1836, James Wright to the Colonia[...]r I beg to address you for the purpose of requesting information as to when, where, t[...]necessary licence for a continued occupation of Crown land without the |
| [...]r' Figure 6.6 Plan of Lanyon (sourced to ACT Heritage Unit) |
| [...]ary to be taken for removing from a part of the land above named a squatter notorious for sel[...]Awaiting the favour of your reply I am[...]s application, which was granted, was in the name of William and James Wright and listed their assets as 2,820 acres, 4000 sheep and 300 head of cattle. (Applications from individuals for depasturing licences, Colonial Secretary 4/1117.1 Register of Applications, 36/10636 is the Wrights application[...]d established a squatting run on the eastern bank of the Murrumbidgee by 1836. Whether the squatter co[...]squatter's name or his fate. However the evidence of this letter fits Davis Wright's evidence and to s[...]and had to be removed by Wright. Whether Webb was of such notorious character is doubtful. As the Colo[...]ry was hardly likely to remove a respected member of the community, Wright may have exaggerating Webb'[...]on form for a squatting run and therefore neither of them actually had any right to be there. But, bec[...]rious character and Wright, by implication is not of that ilk, Wright assumed that Webb would be sent[...]as the Cuppacumbalong run. Given the difficulties of crossing the Murrumbidgee River a 106[...] |
| [...]e river to service Wright's workers. The process of establishing the run involved the inspection of the property, the purchasing of freehold land (which is unusual for a squatter) and the dispossession of prior occupiers, in this case not the Aborigines, but two squatters of lesser status, Beard and Webb. There is no evidence of what, ifany, changes to the landscape were made.[...]ear the river. CONSOLIDATING THE RU The task of establishing Lanyon was concluded with the auctions of 1836 and the taking up of what was to become Cuppacumbalong. By 1837 of course, John Lanyon had left and William Wright w[...]Wright to manage the property and Lanyon's share of the sheep himself. With William Wright's death, J[...]ve, provide some insight into Wright's husbanding of his runs. Although Wright wrote to the Colonial Secretary in August to complain of the difficulty in finding a Magistrate in order t[...]on received assigned convicts once their purchase of Lanyon was finalised and that records ofthis have[...]94-95) is missing the detail in the whole system of convict assignment. Assignment of convicts to settlers was introduced as part of a general hardening of the convict system in the wake of the Bigge reports (Shaw 1971:191). While the cost of labour was saved, Governor Gipps claimed t[...] |
| [...]herds - worked alone' (1983:65). Precise details of the assignment process of Wright's management of convicts have not survived. lOB However, the 1837[...]n is easily explained when the convoluted methods of preparing the muster are understood (see Butlin e[...]ly primary source material on Wright's management of Lanyon comes from the Deposition Books of the Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates (Bench of Magistrates Deposition Book, Queanbeyan, S[...] |
| [...]inevitably focuses on the less successful aspects of the convict/master relationship. However, the depositions do give important evidence of conditions on the run. The evidence of the Deposition Books show that there was a farm and dairy run by one group of convicts and a sheep operation run by convict shepherds and hut keepers away from the main core of Lanyon. Exactly when this system started is uncle[...]as Appleby seems to have supervised the shepherds of whom there were about 20 in mid-1840. Appleby's j[...]regular basis to ensure they were working (Report of the Commission ofInquiry into the Administration of Justice at Queanbeyan: Depositions of Lockyer and Appleby.). Both Matthews and Appleby[...]oncerning sheep, in particular the shepherds loss of flocks and the resulting sheep deaths. In common with many others, Wright had an incentive system of rationing. Government rations were issued to thos[...]ssued to those well behaved. How well this system of incentive worked is unclear, however convicts wer[...]m was hardly Wright's alone as a serious analysis of the Queanbeyan Deposition book evidence shows tha[...]October 1837 Farquhar McKenzie and Donald McLeod of Gundaroo visited Lanyon. McKenzie wrote "one of the most picturesque places I have seen in the co[...]y 1981 :22). This suggests that little in the way of construction, planting gardens or clearing had oc[...]ht. In the Deposition books the geographic extent of Lanyon can be inferred by the localities where cr[...]e stopped at an 109 This touches on the question of interpreting convict actions as acts of protest. Following Atkinson's article on c[...] |
| [...]might have been with his flock in the area south of Sawyers gully. Following this area, the terrain b[...]per and rocky before opening out at the beginning of the Naas valley. Wright must have occupied the northern end of the Naas valley, before the Gudgenby and Naas Riv[...]led Naas). This caused difficulties as the flocks of Herbert and Wright occasionally got mixed. This was a serious problem, apart from the absence of drafting facilities, which would have sped up the process of sorting them out. Mixing sheep would have spread[...]ons (by this the prisoners seem to mean locations of small huts for shepherds and watchmen) were locat[...]ree-mile radius suggests that the area just south of Tharwa is the most likely location for the station. With the establishment of the Commissioners of Crown Lands (CCL) in 1839, Henry Bingham was appo[...]bidgee District, which commenced on the west bank of the Murrumbidgee River - the boundary of the County of Murray. Bingham's first action on being appointed[...]district and covers the runs on the western bank of the Murrumbidgee as well as mentioning Lanyon where Bingham spent a night. The details of his itinerary are reproduced as Table 4. |
| [...]166 Table 4 Itinerary of Henry Bingham CCL in 1839 Date Name of Run Licensee Supervisor No of residents 2/10/38 Porthole Jam[...]Ritche 13 Table 4 Itinerary of Henry Bingham CCL in 1839 (ctd.) Name of Description Cultiv- Cattle Horses Sheep Dairying Est. Comments Run of Buildings ation[...] |
| [...]ed to Lanyon These records document the spread of squatting along the western Murrumbidgee River and into the mountain valleys. Wright had a large run of 23 miles, predominantly grazing sheep. No cultiva[...]was occurring at Lanyon the homestead. III It is of interest that Macquoid's run does not have cultiv[...]to be owner-occupied. The identity and location of the second Porthole run held by R. Pasmore has pu[...]. Possibly, Porthole may have been an out-station of Cuppacumbalong in the area that was later known a[...]'s itinerary is organised geographically in order of the runs he visited. Given this, if Porthole was[...]informed speculation rather than verifiable fact, of which none seem to be available. The land to the north of Lanyon was the Wanniassa estate (or Tuggeranong)[...]ho owned the next block to the north. The Sheriff of the Supreme Court ofNSW, Colonel Thomas Hiah Macq[...]). Gradually he built up a large pastoral holding of almost 7000 acres freehold land as well as the squatting run of Freshford over the Murrumbidgee from Tuggeranong.[...]to run the property (1982:64). Among the friends of the Macquoid family was the family of Bishop Broughton, the first Anglican Bishop of Australia. Bishop Broughton's party returned to A[...]Bishop Broughton's party was Mary Davis, daughter of William and Jane Davis and eldest of eleven children. In Sydney Mary lived first with[...]married in St James Church (Ray 1982:11). Details of Wright's courtship are briefly mentioned i[...] |
| [...]med by Chambers, Moore, and Ray that the marriage of Wright would have resulted in the upgrading of the accommodation at Lanyon (Moore 1982:25). The construction of Wright's second house is thought to be due to the presence of Mary although typically the historians dispute the precise details of the nature and construction of the house. However Larmer's sketch of December 1840 shows a modest establishment of three buildings and possible a barn and yards (see Figure 6.7). The Census of 1841, compiled by the Commissioner of Crown Lands Henry Bingham, lists a population of 59 persons at Lanyon. This comprised 8 married ma[...]ydney State Records X950 Reel 2223). The balance of Mary Wright's family emigrated in 1841, arriving[...]ed to Sydney to meet them. The arrivals consisted of Mary's parents William and Jane Davis plus six children. Wright engaged some of the emigrant families on the ship to work for him and most of them later became prominent citizens of the Canberra area (Moore 1982:40). It appears that Wright gave the Davis family part of the Cuppacumbalong run to occupy for they were es[...]to Cuppacumbalong in 1843. Curiously the effect of the ending of convict assignment in July 1841 is not discussed in the histories of Lanyon, though this must have resulted in changes[...]on was run. One effect may have been scaling down of Wright's agricultural activities as there seems little evidence of these in his bankruptcy papers and they would hav[...]ormation about the transition from the pioneering of Lanyon to a more settled establishment. Presumabl[...]nvicts, as he would have had to provide some form of accommodation for them. The depositions in the Be[...]ty. The farming activities occurred near the site of Lanyon homestead while the sheep grazing occurred[...]roombah runs). The most intensive transformation of the landscape would have occurred near the Lanyon[...]on was established. There is no physical evidence of this now but it seems likely it was established o[...]hed. The sheep would have been grazed in a series of outstations located on the flats across the run.[...]s established at Cuppacumbalong on the other side of the Murrumbidgee. |
| [...]ng previously (as Wright charged two assigned men of Ritchie's in the Queanbeyan Court). The terms were £12 per acre, a total of £330 plus interest. 113 On the 22 February 1841,[...]£1000 from the Savings Bank ofNSW and in August of that year he borrowed £100 from his agent Charle[...]the whole economy been suffering from the effects of drought. This effectively killed the expansion of the pastoral industry, which was in effect a spec[...]The whole economy began to decline with the loss of pastoral income from on-selling of runs, sheep and with the decline in wool prices, marking the beginning of the severe depression of the 1840s. On 12 August 1843, Wright's estate wa[...]Debts (Solvent Debtors Act 1843). The provisions of the act allowed Wright to come to some form of agreement with his creditors to organise repaymen[...]ords ofNSW 2/8743 packet 858) gives the sad story of his indebtedness. Table 5 Wright's Financial Situation as of 12 August 1843 Debts £84704[...]say a year). He also owed some £7260 in the form of capital probably requiring say £726 per annum as[...]eeded nearly £2000 per annum. However, his flock of 1500 114 sheep may have produced only £156 worth of wool per annum (based on Curr's calculations in A[...]eep but even so, there is a suspicious deficiency of sheep. If I were avoiding bankruptcy I wou[...] |
| [...]72:117). One disadvantage Wright had was the cost of owning Lanyon freehold rather in contrast to the cost of holding a squatting run (£1 0). This cost was th[...]o explain the £4425 deficiency. With the absence of the Lanyon books and without considering Wright's other pastoral interests (remember Wright had a flock of 8170 sheep at the Port Hole run in 1839) it is di[...]ight left no reputation as being a lavish spender of money. Wright's perso[...]The personal possessions of James Wright and family at[...]1) Inventory ofthe effects of James Wright of Lanyon near Queanbeyan[...]1 bookcase 300 volumes of books 1 clock[...]1 four post bedstead, bed? of bedding 1 looking glas[...]& ? 2 stretcher, beds of bedding 1 small lookin[...]d, basin & e?? 2 chest of draws 1 commode[...]ughs, 2 harrows 115 There are two inventories of different dates one merely lists the items[...] |
| [...]some earthenware 3000 of Sheep thereabouts[...] |
| [...]172 19 head of horses, foals, colts, mares & horses @ 10[...]y £66d chairs 20/- Wright chair 10/-, chest of draws 50/- serving glasses 7/- children's? 3/6, £4- 6d 2 wardrobes 10/ -1 Wardrobe £6, old chest of draws 17/-, celleret 12/-, Couch 17/9 12 chairs 3[...]framed prints £98/- 12/- about 100 volumes of books £6, Fender and fire irons 16/-[...]Wright paid 6d in the pound according to the plan of distribution approved by his |
| [...]e 1840s depression and the marginal economics of sheep farming. This is something the historians of Lanyon have failed to do. Wright's insolvency was[...]ted event. It was one failure in what was one of the three major economic downturns in Austral[...]to repay and unnecessarily increased the cost of setting up the station. In fact, Lanyon's po[...]in recovering his position. The 15,000 acres of Cuppacumbalong with an annual licence fee of £ 10 was cheaper to run than the 4130 acres freehold of Lanyon mortgaged to the Banle One also suspects that much of Wright's stock would have been moved to Cuppa[...]Wright's costs considerably while preserving many of his currently devalued assets (i.e. sheep and[...]1840s depression rather than the desperate move of an incompetent. THE LANYON BUiLDI GS, STRUC[...]vidence in RoddIe's survey notes and portion plan of an earlier occupation of the Lanyon by Timothy Beard's men who seemed to h[...]ced off (or delineated in some other way) an area of three paddocks (see Figure 6.2). RoddIe also[...]ably the same hut was recorded twice). No mention of a hut belonging to Lanyon and Wright is recor[...]on the flats and probably subject to the prospect of flooding. The site chosen for the main house[...]it steeply rises (some 100m) to fonn a series of hills. To the east and around to the south is a s[...]ses until suddenly there is a very steep rise of 60 to 100m. The Murrumbidgee runs roughly[...] |
| [...]g counhy with a large flattish area directly west of the homestead's location, over the river. The site chosen is in the middle of the estate but somewhat isolated from the norther[...]s interesting about the location is that the site of the house does not "dominate" the landscape. The[...]yon is quite prominent but the view is ofthe rear of the buildings, the working part. If Lanyon was in[...]over the Murrumbidgee at Tharwa. In her history of Lanyon, Ray discusses the likely sequence of building construction on the property. Bravely going against the accepted tradition, Ray argued that none of the stone buildings currently on Lanyon were cons[...]he property in 1841. Ray argues that construction of the stone buildings in the years following would[...]dubious data" preferring the "eye-witness account of a man born there during 1841" - namely Davis Wrig[...]to assume, but by Henry Bingham, the Commissioner of Crown Lands, who not only lived locally but also on his tours of inspection appears to have stayed at Lanyon at le[...]as it was written and not subject to the failings of human memory. The Census would therefore seem to be a reasonably reliable document. For all that, it is of limited value being merely an enumeration of the population and houses rather than a detailed description of the property. Turner and Lawson in summarising t[...]lor (1985) support this belief. Descendants of Andrew Cunningham seem divided in their views (Transcript of interviews Lanyon file). Both Cox an[...] |
| [...].,' Figure 6.7 Larmer's sketch Plan of Lanyon, December 1840[...] |
| [...]176 This great weight of opinion is of course largely based on historical tradition and Davis Wright. If the authorities cited in support of the accepted tradition are read, one finds that t[...]Gregson's archaeological work is cited in support of a Wright era date for a building (Turner and Laws[...]6 (1979, 1983). The same can be said for the work of Moore, Taylor and Cox and Tanner. Apart from Davi[...]to support the Stone Building =Wright Era theory of Lanyon construction. The wei~ht of support for this theory collapses when the strength of the one primary source, 1 7 which all the secondary sources cited above use, is undermined. The lack of historical evidence has not stopped Chambers, Tay[...]Gregson from concurring with the traditional view of the buildings ages on the basis of simple building construction and "strongly evocative in every detail of stone farm buildings in Derbyshire, England, wher[...](Taylor et al. 1987:99 fn 21.). Such convocation of experts however does not mean that historical evi[...]d not seen 1987:2). Larmer surveyed the alignment of the road from Queanbeyan to Mr. Wright's station[...]dock and the property boundary as well as details of other properties such as Wanniassa homestead in h[...]primary source given his distance from the events of 1841. 118 This plan while not catalogued in the S[...]1150, AO aperture card 5254. No doubt the absence of this plan from the catalogue meant that hi[...] |
| [...]d by his trustee and although production and sale of wool is recorded, no costs of construction are allocated up to 1848. It would h[...]sold, as he would lose the building and the value of any money spent constructing it. The arrival of the Davis family after Larmer's map of 1841 may have prompted the construction of the Lanyon buildings, but why then are they not listed in Wright's bankruptcy file? The Court inventory of Wright's landed property is reproduced below: Table 7 Inventory of Wright's Property Description of the Property Lanyon Cottag[...]due to their inherently greater value? It is also of interest to note that none of Wright's assets on Cuppacumbalong seem to be reco[...]it is a field sketch and needs to be redrawn. Two of Wright's buildings are dimensioned and the main axis of the largest is known as being S65° W or 245 0 ma[...]l have the same general axis and a simple reading of building alignment will assist in providin[...] |
| [...]as not) depicted on Lanner's plan. The dimensions of some of the buildings are shown in links (as was customar[...]. There are three dimensions: Table 8 Conver ion of dimen ions on the Larmer Plan 90[...] |
| [...]Figure 6.9 Illustration of Lanyon homestead, September 1869[...] |
| [...]this matter Turner and Lawson's excellent summary of the evidence relating to the Lanyon outbuildings[...]the rectangle is indicating the general location of Lanyon homestead rather than a specific hut. This[...]the current buildings dimensions do not match any of those on Larmer's plan. Turner and Lawson note "I[...]ston-Gregson (1982) excavated in the northern end of the building. He identified some fifteen stratigraphic units and made an interpretation of the sequence of building construction. He established that the fl[...]ver, Winston-Gregson did not investigate the date of the building, presumably as it had not been seen[...]escribed to be used to verify the suggested dates of building construction. Based on the plans of the building the longest axis does not conform to[...]ought to be original. The dimensions and position of the building are incompatible with the evi[...] |
| [...]uilding appears to be mentioned in the conveyance of lot 64 from Charles Roemer to Andrew Cunningham o[...]er and Lawson are rightly sceptical about the use of this building as a "gaol" (1994), the building is[...]a stone structure located some 600m. to the north of Lanyon on Portion 61. Although out of the frame of Larmer's sketch, Ray makes the point that if exta[...]n (1979) as occurring on the site. Most important of these is Homestead Three. This is illustrated in the picture of Lanyon in the fllustrated Sydney News (12/09/1869[...]the main homestead (see Figure 6.9). Excavations of the building site in 1979 located a cistern but no evidence of this earlier building (Winston- Gregson 1979). Ra[...]tion that early buildings are stone in his dating of the stratigraphic sequence. Later excavations claim to have found evidence of this building but the final reports are still being searched for. Based on my interpretation of the Larmer map this building is in the right loca[...]inks) long. Unfortunately, the precise dimensions of "Homestead Three" are not available to verify thi[...]he modem homestead which may explain why evidence of their existence has not been found. As well as the buildings, there is the garden of Mary Wright. This is claimed to be located to the west and south of building one (Winston-Gregson 1979:32). Evidence of the garden as being Mary Wright's has not been pr[...]ores the Wright era (Lehany 1986). From the Bench of Magistrates reports there was a garden where vege[...]n, it is difficult to provide convincing evidence of any extant Wright era building at Lanyon. Thanks to Larmer's field notes, we have a visual idea of the morphology of Lanyon in 1840. Unfortunately it is different to[...]o the current buildings on the site. If the views of Ray were accepted, that the early building[...] |
| [...]not being able to be related back to the evidence of Larmer's plan. They were not there in 1840 to be[...]f the archaeological work had addressed the issue of the dating of the buildings and had been more extensive (and be[...]in Wright's native Derbyshire with its collection of stone buildings around a courtyard" (Blair and Cl[...]nghams having done so in this case. A LA DSCAPE OF CAPTIVE LABOUR? Having attempted to establish w[...]during the Wright era, we turn now to the reading of the Lanyon landscape in the period of Wright's occupancy (1834-1848). Boundaries Lany[...]rs were settling and the area was under a variety of land tenures. Initially Lanyon was the land purchased by Lanyon and the Wright's in 1835, some of which was squatted on by Timothy Beard. Fairly so[...]move Webb on. It is likely that Wright was master of all the land in the Lanyon bowl. The good grazing land up to the edges of the ranges (probably where the trees began to get[...]wn as Boroombah and Cuppacumbalong and the limits of location were largely ignored. The boundaries of all these runs rested in the east and west on nat[...]ford) were not as clear-cut. However, no evidence of disputes has been found. Apart from the core of Lanyon there is evidence that Wright also utilise[...]region for his sheep especially during the years of drought when he, like other squatters, put his sheep on the road in search of fodder. In 1843 Boroombah was separated o[...] |
| [...]ppacumba10ng would have been made. The separation of the two runs or estates was easy as the river for[...]atting runs. Land use and activitie The pattern of land use at Lanyon divides into two functions. Firstly, there was the use of land for agriculture. This involved the creating of gardens, sowing and reaping of crops as well as some dairying activities. It is difficult to assess the importance of this in comparison with Wright's grazing activities. Obviously, it supplied the needs of his assignees and employees for food but there ma[...]rly agriculture cautions the historian to be wary of the greater emphasis placed in the histories on sheep rather than agriculture which was a greater component of the economy (Raby 1996). The second use was grazing, mainly sheep, although Wright also had a herd of cattle. Sheep numbers seem to be variable between[...]ulture, grazing was spread over the entire extent of Wright's domain but with less intensive impact. Patterns of spatial organisation With the differing type of landuse came differing patterns of spatial organisation. With agriculture space was[...]nd carted somewhere (as Joseph Keenhan's defiance of Wright lost a day's wheat carrying). Presumably,[...]uildings. The homestead would have been the focus of all agricultural work providing accommodation for[...]or equipment and produce, as well as the location of the dairy and the pigs. The bell was rung to indi[...]. Sheep grazing was organised around the concept of the flock: some hundreds of sheep (flocks of 400-500 are reported in the Bench Books) tended b[...]hurdles at night to prevent their wandering. Some of these flocks seem to be relatively mobile, others[...]d walked the flocks each day. For Lanyon, we know of flocks established in the Naas valley, three mile[...]tead at Lanyon. The homestead provided the source of supplies for the flocks and their shepherds. The[...]horn and returned to their pasture. The location of each flock was determined by the terrain w[...] |
| [...]ries. Based on what is known about later patterns of occupation (see hapter Seven) it is suggested tha[...]yers Gully north ofNaas and at Binda. The density of occupation seems to be low in comparison with lat[...]was grassland and open forest located in a series of flats surrounded by steep ridges. Wright and Lany[...]n naturally occurring grasslands with no evidence of attempts to "improve" on the grasslands. The area used for agriculture near Lanyon homestead at the "bottom" of the "Lanyon bowl" was in contrast cleared and cultivated. The positioning of the homestead complex in the landscape is on a ri[...]Mount Tennent. However the current buildings -all of the Cunningham era - are orientated with their fr[...]. I think the effect might be to give a full view of the homestead as one comes down the drive and the[...]s currently obscured. The well known illustration of Lanyon from 1869 shows this effect (Figure 6.9) a[...]Mount Tennent is foreshortened. The orientation of Wright's buildings, I think, would be much the same for two main reasons. Firstly, once the orientation of buildings is established on a site it is difficul[...]rack in from the road. This would place the rear of Wright's buildings towards the fields, hardly in[...]or intimidating position if this was a landscape of coercion or dominance, but convenient for farm work. The same point could be argued for the actual position of the homestead, which is not on the most prominent[...]rather than on the landscape. Thus, the relevance of Farquhar McKenzie's comment quoted earlier in thi[...]and refined. Circulation networks The geography of Lanyon largely controls the circulation ne[...] |
| [...]across the Murrumbidgee at Tharwa. Larmer's plan of 1841 shows the road more or less in its present p[...]sed it, forcing travellers onto the surveyed line of road (see Chapter Seven). The major barrier was the crossing of the Murrumbidgee. The difficulty lay in the variable nature of the river's flow. Generally, it was crossable any[...]d at Point Hut. From Point Hut the northern parts of Cuppacumbalong around Conlon's Comer could be rea[...]ce in the Deposition Books ofthe Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates (State Records NSW 4/5650) it was pos[...]om Lanyon. Boundary demarcations The boundaries of Lanyon would have been the natural features of the landscape marking the limits of areas occupied by Wright's flocks. It seems from Larmer's map that on the freehold land the boundaries of each allotment were marked by blazes on trees and ploughed furrows. Fences of some sort would have marked the boundaries of the gardens and farmed areas. o phycial or documentary evidence of boundary markers delineating entrance onto the La[...]been found. Vegetation Related to Land Use Part of the appeal of grazing in the Lanyon area was that the gr[...] |
| [...]ld have occurred previously with the introduction of cattle and sheep to the Kangaroo grass (Themeda australis) grasslands of the Canberra plains. Grazing would have brought t[...]grazing may have opened the way for the invasion of other species but the canopy ofthe Kangaroo grass[...]Pryor 1954: 176-177). Secondly the fire regimes of the Canberra region would have been disrupted and[...]occasional burning to prevent the vigorous canopy of the Kangaroo grass from shading the patches betwe[...]ntact burning (1954). There is however, no record of squatting fire regimes in this period. These cha[...]More obvious vegetation changes were the clearing of a paddock for wheat and the cultivation of other paddocks for vegetables close by Lanyon hom[...]econdary cluster would have been on the west bank of the Murrumbidgee where Cuppacumbalong homestead w[...]at there was a garden in the Wright era, evidence of this garden is hard to find. Ray notes that in th[...]and it is suggested that the garden was the work of Mary Wright (1981 :36). Lehany's conservation analysis of the Lanyon gardens and grounds unfortunately starts in 1849, presumably as there was no evidence of earlier gardens (Lehany 1986).120 All that can be[...]ossibly a garden. CO CLU 10 The process of pioneering was one of in-filling between a loose network of pastoral runs. Lhotsky in 1834 noted Herbert at N[...]been no archaeological study looking for evidence of Wright's garden. 121 No historian has established[...]tled at Naas or why he took up land there instead of the more extensive plains to the north. |
| [...]locality in 1834. Interestingly the first action of Wright and Lanyon in creating their estate was to[...]t on vacant Crown Land as did Wright. The impact of pioneering was minimal and gradual. But there was little in the landscape save the obvious presence of sheep, their shepherds and the homestead to indic[...]. The squatting landscape at this stage consisted of the Aboriginal landscape plus sheep (and minus th[...]to Sydney by sea. I suspect that after the ending of assignment in July 1841 Wright scaled back his ag[...]y squatter to have freehold land - George Russell of the Clyde Company was another- but generally squa[...]s was partly because they were outside the limits of settlement, but even when the pre-emptive right w[...]to what extent can Lanyon be seen as a landscape of captive labour (1993a; 1993b)? It seems that they view the landscape as one likely to contain evidence of surveillance and coercion of the convicts, which is in line with their view that Wright had to coerce his workers. They write of Wright's homestead providing unobstructed views of the barn and stockyards, cultivation areas, orchards and gardens, all of which were convict workplaces (1993 :85). The sto[...]s providing' a vantage point for the surveillance of Wright's out-stations at what is now the Naas- Bo[...]would have been more convincing had their reading of the landscape paid more attention to the historic[...]as which is obscured by Mount Tennent and a ridge of 700m elevation and Boroombah which is behind a ridge of elevation no less than 600 m. Moreover, by ignori[...]ly without realising its importance. The evidence of coercion in the landscape does not exist. |
| [...]189 The point about the Lanyon "landscape of captive labour" is that sheep grazing by its natu[...]rvised at all times. As can be seen by the number of absent or stray convicts, it was very easy to abs[...]iate with his assigned convicts some shared sense of responsibility for his enterprise. The differenti[...]common practice in the convict era - was one form of incentive. Possibly, there was some form of unofficial wage system or bonus such as a share of the increase in flocks. Whatever the system was,[...]e documentary record, except through the absences of overtly coercive buildings and structures. My reading of the Bench Books is that there was a general decre[...]rly 1840 with the inquiry into the Administration of Justice in Queanbeyan (see Appendix Three). After[...]. We know from Wright's appointment as a Justice of the Peace and his purchase of freehold land that he was a man of property and status. His letter of the 15 th September 1836, asking that Webb be rem[...]licit claim that he was respectable and deserving of consideration in this matter. In his role as a Justice of the Peace on the Queanbeyan Bench of Magistrates Wright was an important person in the[...]ndix Three) I argue that Wright misplays the role of J. P. and, by inspecting a convict's back after p[...]lity leaving him in an uncertain position. Echoes of this are seen in the historigraphic treatment of Wright as a flogging magistrate. What can be seen of Wright's social status in the Lanyon landscape? The size of the estate is one indication of Wright's economic position both before and after[...]seen a homestead and cultivated fields and flocks of sheep. Whether it was well husbanded is not clear. Certainly there was the stain of bankruptcy which split the estate causing Wright[...]e read from the landscape if more precise details of Wright's house, outbuildings, and gardens were available. But in this we are hampered by the confusion of previous historical and archaeological research.[...]table and setting for 12. If the crockery was not of sufficient value to be listed as a dining set, th[...]have added a nice touch to the room. These items of material culture |
| [...]ertainly maintaining appearances even at the edge of the limits of location. To summarise, Wright emerges as an amb[...]misplayed his role as a 1. P. The fact that many of his convicts were prosecuted and some escaped is[...]ch resulted in him being caught with a high level of debt when the speculative boom in sheep busted. B[...]oader context Wright certainly fits into the role of a respectable squatter both from the point of his estate and from what we can glean from[...] |
| [...]192 I TROD CTIO The de alis family estate of Cuppacumbalong Run and Coolemon Run was located to the south west of Canberra on the Murrumbidgee River. The aim of this chapter is to look in detail at the process of husbanding the run in the face of the selection movement. The availability of detailed selection records, the diaries of George de Salis, and the comparatively unaltered nature of the current landscape allows the process of creating, husbanding and defending the de Salis e[...]one. As discussed earlier, especially in the case of Lanyon, the pioneering period of squatting created landscapes that were little modified from those occupied by the Aborigines. The period of husbanding the de Salis estate created a more dis[...]ltural landscape, driven in part from the process of maintaining the run and making a profit, and part[...]runs and creating the de Salis estate. The impact of the selection strategy on the landscape of the run is then discussed. In the previous chapter, the establishment of the Lanyon and Cuppacumbalong runs by Wright and[...]n), west from Lanyon run. Cuppacumbalong was part of the Lanyon estate. The Commissioner of Crown Lands listed "slab and bark huts" on Cuppac[...]1841. Wright's insolvency resulted in the focus of his pastoral activities changing to Cuppacumbalon[...]ra Run. Although Cunningham had little in the way of capital in those years, he was able to negotiate the purchase of the Lanyon estate from Wright's creditors[...] |
| [...]194 The de ali family The origins of the de Salis family have been outlined in an info[...]witzerland. A Peter von Salis, a hereditary count of the Holy Roman Empire, founded the English branch of the family. Peter's son Jerome, settled in England and married the Honourable Mary Fane, eldest daughter of Viscount Fane. By various acts and licences, the[...]the bar and was involved in the business affairs of the Indian merchants Jardine Matheson and Company[...]arn farming, as an outdoor life was thought to be of some benefit to his health. After learning sheep[...]In 1844, he married Charlotte McDonald, daughter of Captain McDonald who owned the neighbouring run of Bongongo. In 1842, William de Salis was employed by Jardine Matheson to go to Australia to sort out some of their business affairs. William arrived on the Ke[...]nd was offered a partnership in the Sydney branch of Jardine Matheson. In Sydney, William de Salis rapidly rose to prominence through the success of his business activities. He was a friend of Governor Gipps and a prominent member of various boards including the Union Barne In 1848,[...]s world, particularly in England, would have been of great use to Leopold de Salis. With the retirement of his partner Smythe to England, Leopold expanded h[...]sing his brother-in-law Colin McDonald as manager of various runs. He started a family, his children b[...]mbalong as a temporary home but on receiving news of his mother death he decided to stay in the district. Leopold de Salis was a different type of squatter in terms of his social and economic position compared to Wrig[...]im to aristocracy. He was well educated, somewhat of an intellectual and brought up in a well to do en[...]arrative history as well the de Salis family view of their ancestry. |
| [...]signation on 5th January 1898 after some 23 years of service. In contrast, Wright and Cunningham's pub[...]ures in their time in the district, de alis was of importance on a statewide basis. 123 He had numer[...]s and Sir William Stawell. As an appointed member of the Legislative Council de Salis was in the colonial equivalent of the House of Lords. Brief overview of runs held by de ali In order to assist the discussion of the de Salis' holdings it is useful to outline the history of the holdings they purchased (Figure 7.1). The fir[...]Naas Valley were purchased. These runs were part of the estate built up by the Herbert family and Tho[...]region and sold their properties to a partnership of Mendleson and Joseph both were Jewish grocers mov[...]that are not quite clear (there were allegations of theft), and these seem to be in part racially bas[...]e Salises in 1869. This extended the original run of Cuppacurnbalong to the south. In January 1872, t[...](i. e. after 1872), the de Salis estate consisted of Cuppacurnbalong, Naas, Naas Valley and Coolemon r[...]overseeing all the de Salis estate. However, one of the interesting aspects of reading the de Salis diaries is the increasing re[...]he diaries recount George's management, initially of the summer grazing at Coolemon, and his first she[...]75, which was commemorated by a poem. By the time of his marriage in 1878 George was in effect the manager of Cuppacumbalong and eoolemon, being paid a percentage of the wool clip and a bonus for increase of tock. In some aspects of management, particularly in the selection strateg[...]Salises are lesser figures in the historiography of Canberra. I think this is because Lanyon h[...] |
| [...]d some land at Maitland although the exact status of the land is unclear. Certainly, it was not part of their farming estate. In broad terms, the estate at Canberra consisted of a series of flats along the margins of the Murrumbidgee River. The flats are stepped in[...]surrounding hills at around 1500m. The elevation of the Coolemon Plain means that it is subject to ha[...]t it is well watered and provided a spring growth of grass. Thus, Coolemon (along with other runs in the area) provided good conditions for summer grazing. Loss of the estate The precise circumstances ofthe collapse of the de Salis estate are not clear. '26 It seems t[...]essful, resulting in substantial losses. As a way of raisin~ capital the Cuppacumbalong estate was mortgaged to the Union Bank of Australia' 7 for £69,956-13-5 (Lands Title Offic[...]lises (totalling 5458 acres), presumably as a way of increasing their equity. Details of the de Salis estate at its greatest extent were l[...]diaries for that time give little precise detail of what was occurring. This is because Leopold de Sa[...]ueensland runs, but the drought reduced the value of the runs and more importantly made it difficult to get cattle to market (presumably because of lack of feed on the droving routes) which reduced cash fl[...]0/3 1893). The Union Bank took effective control of the estate by late 1893, although it is difficult[...]the property until the 125 Although the failure of the Queensland venture bankrupted the de Salises[...]state or why it went bust. Presumably the drought of the I890s was one factor. 126 There is little in[...]Salis' brother William had been a London director of the Union Bank. |
| [...]197 land was sold to the partnership of Frederick Campbell of Yarralumla, Colonel (retired) Francis Selwyn Camp[...]confidence in the environment. When the extremes of drought hit, he was left with debt but no cash fl[...]about his predicament, seeming to fail at the end of his life. Leopold de Salis was in his late seventies and was too old to see the ending of the drought and his children survive and prosper[...]mon Pastoral Holding (No. 506) under the Land Act of 1884. In the section below the landscape forming[...]as a grazing property and to identify the nature of the land. Apart from showing how the run worked,[...]ogy outlined in Chapter Two, however for the sake of non-repetition some categories have been merged w[...]uivalent were destroyed in the Garden Palace Fire of 1882. The only surviving information of the pre-1884 run boundaries is the run descriptions published in the Government Gazettes of 1848. These descriptions formed the basis for the[...]s issued to squatters from 1848. The descriptions of the de Salis owned runs are as follows: N03 Atkinson William N035 Name of Run Cooleman Estimated Area - 8,000[...] |
| [...]Chippindall [sic], Thomas Name of Run Naas Estimated Area - 15,360 acres[...]le Bounded on the north by the stations of William Herbert and James Wright; on the east by a range of hills dividing it from the run of James Wright, until it joins a station b[...]hich station forms the southern boundary of the run; on the west bounded by a range situated about half a mile to the westward of a running stream, dividing it from the runs of Edward Seveme and William Herbert. No 66 Herbert, William Name of Run Naas and Orarell Estimated Area - 6,[...]pabilities - 700 cattle Bounded on part of the north by an imaginary line along the ridge of a spur of Mount Tenant,129 dividing the land now described[...]by William Davis; on the remaining part of the north along the ridge of another spur of Mount Tenant bearing nearly east to a sm[...]y creek sheep station, in the occupation of James Wright; on the east by an imaginar[...]River called the comer hole to the ridge of a range about half a mile from the dwell[...]y now occupied by Edward Seveme: on part of the west by ranges called Bimberri Ranges; and on the remaining part of the west by ranges dividing the now described lan[...]0188 Wright, James ame of Run Cuppacurnbalong Estimated Area - 15,[...]Creek to Conlan's comer for four fifths of the distance the river is inaccessible; upon the north from Mr M'Quoids run by a line of marked trees; upon the 129 Mount Tenne[...] |
| [...]Mr Davis' run by Paddy's creek and the north spur of Mount Tenant, from Mr Herberts run by the south spur of Mount Tenant and for a short distance by Gu[...]Creek, thus almost forming an obtuse angle of which the Murrumbidgee river is the base. As can be seen the descriptions of the runs are not geographically precise. There ar[...]illiam Herbert was doing. Finally, in the absence of formal maps and indeed any form of settlement, in some cases definable locations are often difficult to find. 130 The description of Coolemon is a good example as it is accurate but[...]properly surveyed in the period after the passing of the Crown Lands Act of 1884. This required the dividing of pastoral runs in to "resumed" and "leasehold" are[...]ned there were no major changes in the boundaries of the runs and the de Salis estate varied only with the purchase of runs in 1869 and 1872. Land Uses and Activities[...]heep grazing on the flats and hillslopes and mobs of cattle in the surrounding hills. The sheep were p[...]t Queanbeyan and Goulburn. There were small areas of cultivated land, mostly fodder for the stock and[...]elated to land use The position in the landscape of the runs created in the general area around Cuppa[...]s Spring Gully (now known as Sawyers Gully), part of the Naas Valley, Reedy Creek valley and the western bank of the Murrumbidgee. The original Cuppacumbalong run took in an area of undulating gullies running down from the ridge line of Clear Hill (an extension of the Bullen Range), east to the Murrumbidgee. The[...]dgenby River near Tharwa. 132 On the western side of the ridge is the valley called Spring Gully (now[...]at a formal county map was produced and positions of features such as Mount Tennent accurately establi[...]. 132 Cuppacumbalong is supposed to mean "meeting of the waters". |
| [...]ng to the we t ~lount Tennent. The eastern spurs of Mount Tennent create a small gorge through I'hic[...]am the valley widens out and there IS a good area of flat between Mount Tennent and the Gudgenby River. The Clear Hill ridge runs into the northern end of the Cullen Range. The Cullen Range between the Gudgenby River and the Murrumbidgee also formed part of Cuppacumbalong. In this area, the range falls qui[...]Range, the Reedy Creek catchment created a number of flats suitable for grazing. Thus, Cuppacumbalong took in four large areas of flats and valley bottoms suitable for sheep grazing as well as a large amount of frontage long the Murrumbidgee, Gudgenby, and Paddy's river. Of the other runs, aas Valley took in part of the catchment of the aas Ri er including most of the open flats. imilarly, aas took in flat along[...]l Valley. Gudgenby took in a flat at the junction of several creeks with the Gudgenby River. Boroombah[...]IVer as well as some hills encompassed by a curve of Paddy's River. The name Coolemon possibly refers to the hape of the run in the landscape, the run undaries being mountain ranges give the run the shape of a Coolemon di h. Wil on dung no authority claims[...]: 109), \\ h·IC h'IS PIausl'bl e. 133 II Or of course Coolemon might be a place in Scotland. |
| [...]ng The landscape comprised rolling granite hills of the Mount Kelly Uplands with steep rocky slopes l[...]ite steep and rocky, lacking the gassy vegetation of the flats and lacking in permanent water. The poor quality of the valley slopes and ridge crests for sheep graz[...]local farmers in the Select Committee on Exchange of Land. Cuppacumbalong Run, Queanbeyan Distrzct (Se[...]nor streams ensuring a good water supply. Because of the flats relatively shallow gradients (0 to 3%),[...]o doubt kept up the burning to promote new growth of fodder. |
| [...]y in the hills. Due to the shallow soils and lack of water this country was generally considered secon[...]as more closed forest, which did not allow growth of grass and was unsuitable for sheep, although catt[...]her essential element in squatting, was much less of a problem in the region than it was in the Wester[...]e junction with the Gudgenby River, is in an area of semi-gorges with steep descents to the river. The[...]s Department that the slopes were too steep to be of practical use for watering heep and Figure 7.3 makes the point. Thus while the run included many miles of frontage to rivers and streams a lot of it was not useable. Finally, it should be noted[...]was useful for summer grazing, due to the hazard of snowfall and frost it could not be grazed all yea[...]ing ranges. I The de Salises had the benefit of the advice from Thoma Fishlock, an employe[...] |
| [...]203 The de Salis estate comprised three classes of grazing land, the flats which were first class la[...]tion, at Coolemon the de Salises has a large area of alpine grassland available for about half the yea[...]iptions in the Government Gazette, the boundaries of Cuppacumbalong are mainly natural features such a[...]main ridge from Mount Tennent towards the centre of the photograph, then turns north down a gully to Paddy's River. The use of clearly definable topographic features such as ri[...]rd and Congwarra seems to have been a marked line of trees running west from Conlan's Comer, which was fenced by 1874. Throughout the history of Cuppacumbalong as recorded in the de Salis diaries there is only one mention of a boundary dispute between de Salis and the neighbouring squatters. This occurred during the fencing of the boundary between Cuppacumbalong and Boroombah[...]o him. The dispute was resolved by the patriarchs of both families, Leopold de Salis and Charles McKea[...]th circa 1860 by mutual consent of McKeahnie and de Salises. In a letter of 27 Nov 1883, George de Salis explains the wrong positioning of a conditional purchase (Portion 79) in relation t[...]ary, because the surveyor "naturally was ignorant of the official boundary of Cuppacumbalong being different from that adjusted 20 years ago between the owners of the adjoining runs" (Folio 83/10308 Lands Departm[...]3/10308 cor SRNSW Ref 10/20765). Another example of boundary adjustment was at Coolemon where John Mc[...]Salises to fence the boundary in exchange for use of the "Peppercorn side of our ranges" for five years (de Salis diaries 6th[...]boundaries were not fenced. Traditionally flocks of sheep were kept within range of a shepherd and where mixing of separate flocks from different owners was a poten[...]xing flocks from different runs was seen as a way of transmitting disease such as scab. The invention of the drafting gate in the 1840s was of great assistance in sorting out the inevitably mi[...]on their run. However, there are numerous reports of McKeahnie's |
| [...]oroombab cattle and horses (as well as accounts of stray Cunningham cattle) being found on Cuppacumb[...]straying further. 136 Figure 7.6 shows the plans of the leasehold and resumed areas for the Cuppacumbalong run, created at some point in 1885 or 1886. It is of interest in the context of this discussion as it shows the extent and nature of boundary fencing. A log fence divides Freshford f[...]t Tennent a Six-wire fence ran along the boundary of the aas Run until it reached the Orroral and Gudgenby River junction. There seems to be a short section of log fence and then the wire fence continues along the west bank of the Gudgenby River until the southern boundary is[...]hould not have yarded then considering the number of his cattle that always have been on our run" (de[...]Salis diaries it seems that a considerable amount of time was spent chasing after stray hor es. l7 The mixture of fencmg probably i a direct response to the[...] |
| [...]s "the Coolemon Range", but the surveyed boundary of the Parish of Murray and of oolemon Pastoral Holding was made down the east bank of Peppercorn Creek. Ultimately the mistake would ha[...]nbalong across the Murrumbidgee, along the valley of the Naas and Gudgenby rivers and over the ranges,[...]Tharwa was situated above the main crossing place of the Murrumbidgee. The de Salises maintained their[...]tes. The de Salis diaries record a continual flow of people up and down the road and across the ford. There was seasonal movement of sheep and cattle to and from the alpine areas for[...]alises moved sheep (there were quite large flocks of up to 10,000 sheep) up onto Coolemon during the summer (usually after shearing). As well smaller mobs of cattle were moved down from Coolemon for sale. The movement of stock was always a matter of concern as out-of-control stock could damage property and infect other flocks with disease. Moreover the question of compensation for stock eating grass was important, so the government set up a system of travelling stock routes and stock reserves. Movin[...]head to squatters to arrange a convenient passage of stock through runs. It is clear from the de Salis[...]ong traditionally used routes. This was the cause of some ill feeling between the community and the Cunninghams. In matters of roads the de Salis family always took the view th[...]nd later the Campbells. There was also a network of smaller tracks between runs that were used mainly[...]n, the riders went via the Orroral valley and one of the "gaps" in the main Brindabella Range. 138 As[...]o be little historical or archaeological evidence of boundary markers other than the fences that would[...]ry markers 138 This is more or less the route of the modem Alpine walking track. |
| [...]have used some physical feature to mark the start of the de Salis estate. Crossing the river at Tharwa[...]to Cuppacumbalong. Crossing depended on the level of the river. Often it was fordable for carts and bu[...]ering their territory. This allowed them a degree of warning about potential selectors and about "Inspectors of Conditional Purchases" and other officials who would pose problems if not handled properly. Patterns of Spatial Organisation The form of Cuppacumbalong as purchased by the de Salises consisted of four flats with "stations" established in them. S[...]9 Cuppacumbalong station is located in the centre of the four flats just below where Spring Station Cr[...]e original Cuppacumbalong Run. From the estimates of time taken to traverse the landscape in George de Salis' diaries it took a quarter of a day to get to each station. The sheep-farming[...]as the terrain was too difficult. To go from any of the stations one would have to go back virtually[...]chase ofNaas and Naas Valley in 1869 this network of stations expanded to include the extensive flats[...]t that Cuppacumbalong was no longer at the centre of the run. Naas homestead was in fact at the[...] |
| [...]ngly prepared the garden. However, with the death of harlotte de alis in February 1878, Leopold de Sa[...]they remained there. Naas therefore became a sort of office where someone could stay overnight or during the shearing season. Thus aas was the working centre of Cuppacumbalong run. Sheep were mustered for shear[...]870s. This is not surprising as the children were of rougWy the same age. Social contact diminished as they all married and assumed managerial roles of the stations where their views often conflicted.[...]d "we decided that the grave will be on the point of the hill overlooking the junction of the rivers, a spot where Rodolph would often sit[...]bruary 1878 she was buried on the right hand side of Rodolph. Later in April 1878 Leopold visited the[...]ental planting. The graves were an important part of George and Mary's life especially as their first[...]ge threatens to tell "Papa". 142 The burial place of the de Salis employees reflects to some de[...] |
| [...]churchyard at Canberra but George wrote' neither of us liked the idea of leaving the little thing alone when it had a plac[...]ges to the de Salis family during their ownership of Cuppacumbalong and Coolemon estates. The first wa[...]nd was to defend the estate against the challenge of selection. The latter task was the more important[...]g the run from selection meant the transformation of the land from leasehold to freehold, that is the purchase of land. Government regulations in effect prevented the wholesale transformation of squatting runs into freehold and, even if they were allowed the minimum price of £1 per acre, purchasing the run outright would h[...]st selection meant trying to secure the key areas of the run by using the land legislation so that selectors did not get them. This secured the land as part of the de Salis estate. Thus the process of defending the run and creating the de Salis estat[...]) and added to the de Salis estate. This section of the chapter discusses the process of defending the run from selection as well as creat[...]d de Salis wrote to the Acting Chief Commissioner of Crown Lands: "Sir, I have the honour as lessee of the run of Cuppacumbalong in the Murrumbidgee district[...]der my pre-emptive right as per Chapter III of H.M.' s Order in Council of March 9th 1847 of certain portions of my said run - viz - twelve quarter sections of 160 acres each or thereabouts in that portion of the run known as Cuppacumbalong and six quarter sections in that portion of the run known as Binda. And I request you will direct the commissioning of the proper surveyors to inspect and[...] |
| [...]ed in Albury in March 1860. He allocated the task of surveying the portions to Surveyor Edward Fisher.[...]work. Fisher comments that there was a difference of nearly one degree between his instrument and that of Licensed Surveyor Thompson's who marked out Tharw[...]r a year to do the survey is unclear). His letter of the 22 May 1861 to the Surveyor General sets out[...]"Sir, In compliance with your instructions of the 23rd March 1860 No 60/450 I have the ho[...]your approval under a separate cover a Plan of 6 portions of land containing an aggregate area of 1543 acres applied for purchase under pre-emptive right by Mr Leopold Fane de Salis in virtue of his Licensed Run called Cuppacumbalong in the County of Cowley, and Murrumbidgee District. 2[...]th the area measured which is 543 acres in excess of that to which Mr de Salis would be entitled under the terms of your Circular of the 31st Jan last No 134 I would respectfully inf[...]could obtain no information respecting which of these portions Mr de Salis considered of the least value as he was absent from home when I[...]surveyed a greater area in proportion to the size of this Run than was allowed by your Circular[...]for sub-division into small farms (than any of the other portions) in the event of Tharwa Township progressing favourably, but[...]tle on this reserve as the small population of this portion of the District is scattered, the area of land suitable for cultivation is limited, the adjacent country is generally of a Mountainous character difficult to trave[...]almost impassible, and since the partial failure of the Kiandra gold fields the settlers have not a ready market for the disposal of their produce." |
| [...]/3642) The plan M161-1457 together with the plan of Tharwa reserve T 1792 documents the nature and extent of de Salises improvements on Cuppacumbalong. The L[...]eems that the intention was to survey the balance of land claimed by de Salis, however Fisher had been[...]y "embraced all the land Mr de Salis was desirous of purchasing at the time of my making these surveys" which is not exactly wha[...]son, had issued the regulation limiting the ri&ht of pre-emptive purchase to 640 acres (i. e. a square[...]er the lands therein described are in the process of alienation to me" (Folio 62/13878, Surveyor Gener[...]ould have been selected or sold while the process of obtaining the land from the Lands Department was[...]ems that a William Thompson 144 had occupied part of de Salis pre-emptive purchase. William Ferguson Thompson selected 40 acres of land "commencing at a point on the west bank of the Little River about two miles North East from[...]he took up was near de Salis' pre-emptive portion of 161 acres (i. e. Portion 9 Parish of Cuppacumbalong). 143 This was to prevent large scale purchasing of runs by wealthy squatters before the onset of free selection. 144 Not to be confused wit[...] |
| [...]Figure 7.10 Copy of Original plan of de Salis' pre-emptive rights |
| [...]Leopold De Salis wrote to the Chief ommissioner of Crown lands complaining of this on 13th October 1862 (Folio 62/12981 Lands D[...]epartment about whether Thompson had elected some of de Salises pre-emptive purchase. A note on the fo[...]despite Thompson's description in his application of land "more than a mile distant", Thompson had in[...]his Conditional Purchase did not intrude on that of de Salises so it is clear that Thompson did not w[...]ember 1864 and the land became Portion 22, Parish of Cuppacumbalong. The land was reported as not impr[...]on was then put up for sale as Lot UU in the sale of the 6th May 1867 but apparently not bid for and r[...]as incorporated into Portion 115 and all markings of the previous portion were deliberately obliterate[...]de Salises comment "As however a portion of the same is occupied by one William Thomson [sic] under colour of a conditional purchase, and as the Hon Secretary[...]self his requisite consent towards initiating 145Of course there was no overall map of the Parish until the 1880s which would have confused matters. 146 This letter and the lapsing of the CP indicate that Thomson was not a lan[...] |
| [...]s until I be put in full and peaceable possession of my said just claim."[...]e on Boroombah, later granted as Portion 4 Parish of Tharwa in 1860. Herbert applied for 160 acres on[...]Portion 33 Parish Naas in 1859. The sudden spurt of pre-emptive purchases supports the notion that sq[...]160-acre sections (some 2880 acres) to 6 sections of 1543 acres in total. It seems that de Salis was n[...]re-emptively purchased, it contains a combination of flats and improvements. Portion 1, Parish of Cuppacumbalong for example takes in Binda Station and the larges area of flat in the Reedy Creek Catchment. Portions 3 and 5 147However this was not the end of the matter for on 30th July 1885 Leopold de Salis[...]iles No 85/15680 SRNS W Ref 10/3642). On the face of it this was a fairly outrageous claim as de Salis[...]mant for over twenty years during which time much of the good land was being taken up by conditional p[...]ent because by 1885 few officers knew the details of the old Orders in Council. The Under Secretary fo[...]at the time and what was the practice in respect of pre-emptive purchases no one is better conversant[...]en current application. Finch also noted the lack of any discussion of de Salises claim since the 1860s despite his comm[...]ed only to Thompson's occupation. Indeed the lack of protests after Fisher's survey and only lo[...] |
| [...]218 Parish of Tharwa secure Spring Station by taking in important areas of flats in Sawyers Gully. The improvements shown o[...]Cuppacumbalong Frontage to west bank of Gudgenby[...]Thomsons. Figures 7.11 to 7.14 are details of the plan ofthe pre-emptive purchases M161-1457 which show the layout of improvements and the landscape. Three of these areas were surveyed in order to see whether[...]od were visible. Portion 15, Tharwa was the site of extensive cultivation paddocks. Presumably these[...]mily and probably fodder for the horses. The site of the paddocks is easily locatable however there is[...]gure 7.15) Portion 1, Cuppacumbalong is the site of Binda Station, a swampy flat adjacent to Reedy Creek. The station consisted of a hut and yards and included a fence running from[...]e hut and yards were located on the southern edge of a low ridge overlooking the creek and swamp. A brief survey of the location found no evidence of the yards and fence. A flat area, possibly a hut site, was located but there was no surface evidence of a building. Binda Station is often stated to be on the site of "Ingledene" a farmhouse, located about lkm north[...]-1457 Binda is on Portion 1 although all evidence of the station has disappeared (Figure 7: 16).148 148The locals who could recite owners back to the tum of the century refused to believe that the de[...] |
| [...]221 Figure 7.15 pring Gully ite of cultivation paddock Figure 7.16 ite of Binda Station (hut platform i approximatel[...] |
| [...]222 Figure 7.17 Site of out tation at Thompsons Portion 9, Cuppacumbalon[...]small fenced areas, one labelled garden. The site of the paddocks and house i easily found. The flat a[...]ks would have been is now grassed and no evidence of the fences exists. The location of the hut was al 0 inspected but all evidence of the hut has di appeared (Figure 7:17). The resul[...]ch as flats survive, fences and huts and evidence of cultivation are not visible on the ground surface. It is difficult to know how much of the de alis pre-emptive purchas strategy was mis-[...]aphy being suitable for the re tangular structure of land portions so that trategically placed s lections could ecure the flats. To the north the wide e panse of flat along the western side of the Murrumbidgee could not be secured by t[...] |
| [...]223 The village of Tharwa Leopold de Salis' exercise of his pre-emptive right was complicated by the creation of the Village of Tharwa. In September 1860 a petition signed by 24 "inhabitants of the town and District of Queanbeyan" was forwarded to the Minister for Lan[...]ic accommodation on the road to Kiandra, the bank of the river was suitable for a township and that th[...]employees did not sign. Curiously neither did any of the McKeahnie or Herbert families who might have[...]erve urgently in October 1860, presumably because of the potential conflicts with de Salises pre- empt[...]garden were located, which he noted has a record of being fl.ooded. (Folio 61/3895, Surveyor General[...]d File 62/989 SRNSW Ref 5/5510). Thus the Village of Tharwa as surveyed took in the Cuppacumbalong hom[...]rians and archaeologists have at least the legacy of Thomson's plan which show the improvements and th[...]the lots that de Salis purchased and his estimate of the value of the improvements on them. 149 The evidence of a previous reserve is mainly evidence in this fil[...]able to find a gazettaJ date. There is no mention of the need to revoke a previous reserve so perhaps the reserve was customary. 150 Of course the Cunningham interest was secured, in th[...]. Incidentally de Salis mentions an "irregularity of transfer" between Wright and de Salis" whi[...] |
| [...]ived File 63/7591, SRNSW Ref 5/5510) In the sale of allotments in Queanbeyan on 29th ovember 1862 the[...]sed by de Salis was withdrawn from sale. Lots 2-5 of Section 2 were sold to Leopold de Salis at the up[...]aining lots were not bid for. With the hindsight of 140 or so years, the proclamation of the village of Tharwa allowed Leopold de Salis the opportunity to purchase an important part of his run and safeguard it from selection. De Salis[...]teful neighbour" was Andrew Cunningham, the owner of the Lanyon estate. To understand the basis of the conflict it is necessary to enter into a shor[...]a gold rush. Kiandra is located to the south-west of the study area, high in the Australian Alps. Gold[...]being from Cooma to Kiandra. Cooma became a sort of regional supply depot to the goldfields and no doubt the merchants of Cooma were well satisfied with their position. This of course was to the detriment of merchants in Queanbeyan. Thus in the early[...] |
| [...]customary route allowed by James Wright. In 1860, of course, it was the one of the routes to Kiandra. In 1856 Andrew Cunningham[...]ld de Salis and Andrew Cunningham largely because of the principle of non-enclosure of roads which seems to have been a de alis principl[...]to the Kiandra rush) about the rights and wrongs of the matter, which eventually the Editor had to cease due to the length of the correspondence. It seems that it was suspected that de Salis put Johnson up to it to test the legality of matters. A long letter by "Andrew Tomahawk" was f[...]tter by Leopold de Salis which accused Cunningham of "vindictively putting up the reserve upon which a[...]) on the Tharwa reserve notes that in the absence of any traffic "except in the event of Kiandra reviving" it was unlikely there would be[...]Kiandra proved to be another surface rush. It is of interest that Leopold de Salis was determined to[...]er from the mid 1870s as he began to take on more of the management of the run, George de Salis be~an to have his own id[...]George records riding beyond Gosson's Beck (part of the southern boundary of Cuppacumbalong) to look for any suitable land for[...]having his own views seems to have been a source of friction between him and Leopold. On the 2 nd Mar[...]is very anxious to take one on Cotters run a mile of so from the boundary thinking it would be[...] |
| [...]227 land of our own not secured" (de Salis diary). This comment is particularly telling in light of Campbell s hostile selection on Coolemon. The de[...]d by two considerations: firstly their evaluation of the environment. They had a good idea of which were the important areas on the run to safe[...]gislation and regulations organised the selection of land. Section 13 of the Crown lands Alienation Act (1861) allowed for between 40 to 320 acres of land to be conditionally purchased and section 21[...]n a right to select up to 8 conditional purchase (of 40 acres each) and to select up to 320 acres as a[...]his to the limit. 154 There is also the question of pre-emptive or conditional leases. 155 These were obtainable for owners of land in fee simple and extended to conditional pu[...]run anyway. In the period following the passing of the Lands Acts in 1861 until 1872 the de Salis fa[...]Portions 7 (240 acres) and 8 (320 acres), Parish of Tharwa were selected. Portion 7 added to the flats to the north of Tharwa while Portion 8 took in flats to the south of Portion 5. A series of selections were made to the north and south of Portion 1 Parish of Cuppacumbalong on Reedy Creek in October 1862 and[...]nditional purchase records show that the purchase of this land was not finalised until 1920![...]s to connect Portion 7 with the northern boundary of Cuppacumbalong but were misdescribed and ended in[...]ally no mention in the conditional purchase files of the de Salises having too many conditional purcha[...]ere are queries about frontage, peacocking, value of improvements, residence and so on. 155 Unl[...] |
| [...]to the attempts to combat the hostile selections of the Oldfield family (discussed below). Condition[...]e Crown Land Acts deliberately limited the amount of land taken up as a conditional purchase to 320 ac[...]ect more land. In order to understand the process of taking up the land the portions have been organised into series. A series of conditional purchases consists of the original conditional purchase and the additio[...]e Salis dummies has been to look at a combination of the conditional purchase file and conditional pur[...]is quite explicit about the process. Three types of dummy were used by the de Salises. Firstly there[...]57 Elizabeth McKeahnie on Boroombah held a number of conditional purchases so daughters did hol[...] |
| [...]229 The second form of dummy selectors was made by people who seem to have the status of "jackaroos' .158 They were inexperienced respecta[...]Fishlock and Gray were buried in the outer circle of the de Salis graveyard, which indicates the closeness of the relationship between them and their employers[...]ably Andrew Cunningham senior) and getting a copy of the agreement (de Salis diaries 28 th May 1873).[...]eements on the 14th July 1875. There is no record of any ofthe dummies refusing to give up their selec[...]sheep on their land, thus maintaining the fiction of "bona fide" selection. Improvements on selections[...]de and paid for by the de Salises, as an analysis of the George de Salis diaries shows. George is constantly directing improvements such as fencing, erection of facilities such as salt sheds and stockyards and ring-barking. Much of this work was undertaken by contractors as the du[...]ant tasks as boundary riders/drovers. An example of a dummy selection - Thomas Oldfield Tom Oldfield, son of "old" Joe Oldfield, was born in 1851 and seems to[...]0 July 1868. These were portions 26 and 28 Parish of Tharwa and formed part of his father's selections (dealt with below). Tom a[...]invented then. 159 Arthur Ie Patonel was the son of Captain Henry Ie Patonel, ADC to Governor Loftus. 160 Fishlock was a long-term resident of the district having worked for the Palmers[...] |
| [...]re a hut valued at £14 and ring-barking to value of £2. An inspectors report was called for (Folio 7[...]erred for comment and was included in the Gazette of 21st February 1880 as forfeited (Folio 78/44273 L[...]airly treated as he had three years from the date of McCord's survey to complete the improvements and[...]as reopened to allow Oldfield to present evidence of residence and improvements (Folio 81/57131[...] |
| [...]G Of portions 5"~ ~ 6 ( in the[...]Ij'?W:~l<llJ4t!Sqf tM O. L. A. Act of I8lll. 0 ,:[...]Date of Surve!l S r (,,3 :JI/..J.I.fI/IB.. I[...]\ Figure 7.19 Portion Plan of 59, 60 and 61 Parish of Cuppacumbalong |
| [...]improvements were satisfactory "though the value of the latter (improvements), similar to Mr G. Fane de Salises case, grossly exaggerated". A note of the front of the folio reads as follows: "the selector[...]ible with a proper observance and discharge of the conditions of residence. I cannot understand how the Comm[...]0 Parish ofNaas as a conditional lease. Analysis of Conditional Purchase Series The following dummie[...]and: Table 7.1 Selection eries Dummie and Length of time held. Series 1 Arthu[...] |
| [...]ars that the dummies were to hold crucial parcels of land for the de Salises. The two aspects being av[...]ite, and the Oldfields were used and the question of how much land could be held by the de Salises. Pr[...]ummies contributed to this. Naturally the course of dummying did not always run true. The original se[...]hole series was forfeited. The selection series, of which there are 14 in Tharwa and Cuppacumbalong p[...]ar cry from the theoretical 320 acre or 640 acres of the yeoman farmer. Of this land 6680 acres or 57% was held in the name of George de Salis, 4280 acres or 37% was held under[...]eoman farmer was supposed to hold. The locations of the conditional purchase series in the Parishes of Cuppacumbalong and Tharwa are shown in Figures 7.31 and 7.32. Table 7.2 shows the series in order of initiation or purchase, which helps show something of the de Salis selection strategy. Table 7.2 Selec[...]5 Secured land along the Western bank of the 1872 Murrumbidgee 14 Secured the top of Sawyers Creek (Spring Gully) 1873 4 Secured land along the Western bank of the 1873[...]Series 5 6 Secured land north bank of the Gudgenby river at Naas 1874 7 Secured land south bank of Gudgenby river at Naas and[...] |
| [...]3 Secured more land on the west bank of the 1880 Murrumbidgee 11 Secured land on west bank of Murrumbidgee between 1881[...]Wright's selections in the northern end of the run 8 Purchase of Oldfield's selections at Top Naas then used[...]tter and Lenane 13 Secured the middle of Sawyers Creek (Spring Gully) 1883[...]o the hills behind Tharwa 9 Purchase of Warner's conditional purchases Naas[...]this thesis it is used to refer to the selection of portions of land in such a way as to control a greater area. Examples of peacocking might be a series of selections along a frontage with a gap in between[...]d be used to control access to water. An example of peacocking is shown in the case of Portions 52, 55 and 56. These were additional con[...]ed on Portion 6, which was a conditional purchase of George de Salis. He transferred it to Arthur Ie P[...]on and George does not mention McCord on the date of the survey so it seems unlikely that he was guide[...]eputy Surveyor General noted "I think if the form of survey is allowed it will form a very bad precede[...]s as an additional conditional purchase in virtue of Portion 6 which had been transferred back[...] |
| [...]21 clttl/8e of tklf o. L. A. Act of 18 ~I[...]<' <c J)ate of Suruey Figure 7.20 Portion plan of portions 52,55, & 56 showing possible peac[...] |
| [...]236 A second example of "peacocking" occurred with the selection of the series based on Portion 13 Parish of Cuppacumbalong. The land was selected by Leopold[...]selection allowed de Salis to dominate the banks of both rivers although the steep descent to the str[...]at "Parliament"... ".165 L. S. McCord got the job of resurveying the land (see Figure 7.26), (Folio 75[...]attempts at peacocking (another being the survey of portions at Orroral ) and here the strengths and weaknesses of the land administration system are shown. The adm[...]cked up the obvious peacocking through the review of portion plans and their failure to comply with regulations. In the case of Portions 52, 55 and 56, the end result was the sa[...]te Portion 62 and put it up for sale. In the case of Portion 13 et al the de Salises were not so lucky, losing control of a small flat (on which they had improvements). Wh[...]quick to look at attempted peacocking in the case of frontage to rivers and streams they seemed to ign[...]ock flats which were limited in the hilly terrain of Cuppacumbalong. Improvement Purchases Under the[...]squatter had the right to purchase land in virtue of the improvements made on them, the size of the land being related to the value of the improvements (i.e. 1 acre per £1 of improvements). Improvement purchases were extensi[...]s totalling 339 acres, a comparatively small part of the overall estate. The obvious disadvantage of the improvement purchases was the need to actuall[...]expenditure could be spread over a greater period of time. 165Leopold de Salis supported Thom[...] |
| [...]Figure 7.21 Original survey of portions 13-14, 17-19 by LS Thompson[...] |
| [...](aa Figure 7.22 Revised design of the portions |
| [...]arish 171 ~~/l9 ~wz4t of {Pll/!q. wI-;. j.,. w[...] |
| [...]serve Creation Squatter influence on the process of reserve creation was identified as an important f[...]serves. Therefore the important question in terms of the de Salis strategy of defending the run is the extent to which reserves[...]k the land by the de Salises. There are two lines of evidence that can be used: 1. The extent and nature of de Salis involvement in creating the reserves, 2. The location of reserves in the landscape. The first question ca[...]reference to a file and then following it's chain of custody (marked by file numbers related to Corres[...]earch the Government Gazettes. In short, evidence of de Salis involvement in creating reserves is limited by the inherent difficulty of the historical records. Table 7.3 Reserves on th[...]te proclaimed Comments Parish of Tharwa WR10 29/7/1[...]1. M. Wright 31/3/1884 Parish of Cuppacumbalong TSR-1063[...]9/6/1868 As might be expected the creation of a reserve resulted in the creation of a correspondence file in the 166 Lands Department. |
| [...]ns to surveyors and their reports. From the dates of gazettal it is obvious that in the early to mid-1[...]trict Surveyor Arthur Betts initiated the process of Reserve formulation as a result of selection in the area. There is no evidence in the files or in the de Salis diaries of the de Salises initiating reserve formation on Cuppacumbalong run. The location of reserves on Cuppacumbalong run is shown in Figure[...]her geographic features. WR 6 is the only reserve of potential strategic interest as it runs across th[...]. However the reserve traverses the steepest part of the terrain rather than taking in flats to the no[...]ve Files have not been found. However an analysis of the landscape suggests that reserving this land would have been of little benefit for the de Salises as they already[...]t, resting on the Clear Range. WR 67 takes in 4km of undulating hills running east with a steep decent of 130m in lkm to the Murrumbidgee. There is a small flat formed by a complex meeting of ridge lines but as this would have lacked water t[...]n the public interest. In contrast, the creation of the reserves on the Coolemon run in 1882 is the clearest example of the de Salis involvement in reserve creation. Whe[...]and Archibald McDonald had each taken a selection of 640 acres on Coolemon, one of their reactions was to attempt to control selecti[...]th from selection "on account of the many natural curiosities" (de Salis di[...] |
| [...]am led to believe that in the limestone formation of the Coolemon plains there exist valuable an[...]cality within a comparatively easy distance of the metropolis I have thought it advisable to see[...]permission to inspect the locality with the view of proposing suitable reserves. Owing to the continued drought in the County of Murray a rush for land on the Coolemon Plai[...]made. I have obtained an extract from one of the local papers giving a description of the caves and waterfall. This extract I beg to re[...]rnment Gazette 1/2/1882 ff 536). A second reserve of 1200 acres (R 659) was proclaimed due to the sudden illness of Surveyor Smith which meant he could not inspect t[...]dence Files No 82/4259 SRNSW Ref 2/1292). In none of the correspondence is Leopold de Salis mentioned[...]etter filed. Mr Smith reported on his inspection of the Coolemon Caves which he undertook with George[...]In a compliance with your wired instructions of the 31 st ultimo, and a subsequent Reserve[...]pplication by L. F. de Salis for the preservation of the Murray |
| [...]er with an extended reserve half a mile each side of the Goodradigbee to the junction of the Mount Murray branch thence up that branch for a distance of one mile and a half. On visiting the lo[...]d and attractive landscape views and other points of curiosity of valuable public interest. None of these are reasons can fairly be applied to reserv[...]ay branch. I therefore cannot submit that so much of that suggestion be entertained.[...]doubtedly grand and very attractive. One of the two known caves although not so extensive as[...]may also be fairly be considered points of curiosity valuable to the public. I am of the opinion that in future time the magnificent summer climate and the attractive landscape of the whole district will entice numerous[...]reserve embracing the above mentioned the points of interest, I therefore think is advisable. Mr de Salis suggests a width of half a mile on each side of the river - a Reserve for half and a mile up the[...]I beg to enclose a tracing showing the scheme of reserves, which I now submit for your ap[...]Salis had as a MLC can be seen by the reservation of part of the Caves. Nothing in the file suggests the de Salises as the beneficiaries of the reservation but their involvement is clear, though cloaked in the spirit of public good of reserving "natural curiosities". The de Salises w[...]m selecting on Coolemon. In effect it was a means of controlling the 167 George proposed to[...] |
| [...]245 land in the guise of a public good, initiated in the spirit of selflessness by the Honourable Leopold de Salis.[...]ampbell selections and leases into a smaller area of flat, which was effectively stoppered by de Salis lapsed selections of Portions 1 and 2. So the creation of the reserves at Coolemon acted as part of the de Salis selection strategy in response to Ca[...]cape evidence it seems unlikely that the creation of reserves was part of the de Salis strategy to protect their run. The exceptions being of course the Tharwa Village Reserve which was initi[...]gional networks to explain the underlying pattern of reserves. The purpose of the reserves was to create space for "community s[...]e no hotels at convenient locations so the system of reserves allowed for space for stock and their dr[...]on selections and squatting runs. The main series of these were created as TSR -15, which created four[...]SR -13 which was defined as 20 chains either side of the road from Kiandra to Yass via Tharwa and gaze[...]mon. There also seems to have been a great phase of reserve establishment in the 1880s. Presumably th[...]ves be created while the land was available. Some of these reserves were later abolished or reduced in[...]being then offered as selections or, in the case of WR 67, the land was opened for selection as Homes[...]he reserve locations were limited by the quantity of already selected land, which reduced the potentia[...]serves on Cuppacumbalong run were created as part of a natural process of responsible land management rather than at the instigation of the squatters, as seems to have been the case in[...]the de Salis strategy for creating the estate out of their runs involved firstly exercising their pre-[...]They were forced to purchase lots in the village of Tharwa when their attitude to enclosing of roads created a dispute between them and t[...] |
| [...]246 creation of a village reserve enclosing the head station of Cuppacurnbalong. Using these rights the de alises were able to secure land in each of their four out-stations on Cuppacurnbalong. The de Salises do not seem to have used the strategy of creating reserves to safeguard their land except in the case of Coolemon. The bulk of the land that made up the de Salis estate was obtained by conditional purchase. By the use of dummies and manipulation of the Land laws, the de Salises were able to purcha[...]onditional purchase the land was bought on a form of time payment, which helped the de Salises, as the[...]ELECTORS "Bona fide" Selectors Given the number of dummies it seems surprising that there were a few[...]selectors, the de Salises in fact outsourced many of the functions that were occurring on squatting ru[...]atter gave them access to a cash income and lines of credit. 168 As well, a relationship with the de S[...]en the selector access to influence and knowledge of the system should they need it. There was a mutua[...]dfield senior and his family are the main example of the independent selector. Old Joe Oldfield was an[...], almost indomitable although limited by his lack of education and capital. Surprisingly he returned t[...]eight children with his second wife Mary Keeghan. Of these, Thomas and Henry Oldfield worked for the d[...]ft. The first act in the drama was the selection of a 40-acre conditional purchase by Joe Oldfield ju[...]This Portion (24) was next to the southern border of Portion 7, a de Salis conditional purchase which had lapsed through lack of survey within one year. Survey was complet[...] |
| [...]portions along the river. The de Salis selection of Portion 25 blocked expansion to the south, Portio[...]ich offered rich well-watered soil. Thus the area of Portion 25 was a strategic area to acquire for bo[...]there was a dispute (see Figure 7.25). The facts of the matter seem to be that on the 24 th October 1[...]field immediately selected Portion 26 in the name of Thomas Oldfield, his son. When the facts of the case became known, Oldfield's cause was taken up by champions of free selection in Queanbeyan, the Free Selectors Protection League and the Queanbeyan Age in a series of public meetings and letters. Most of the anger was directed at Willans (who later sued[...]ticised by Dr. Morton as being "a man who instead of doing his duty as a representative of the people is the very first to break the law". M[...]30/11/1867) as well as criticising de Salis' use of his children as dummies. 17 Morton commented, aft[...]' general character and intelligence "the conduct of an upright English gentleman would have lead him[...]illan's action, but eventually with the agreement of all parties, the inquiry was abandoned on 29th Ma[...]. In proceeding against them, apart from his lack of means, the difficulties of his official position and their influence[...] |
| [...]erning his conditional purchase, Portion 7 Parish of Tharwa (now the site of Lambrigg): "I have the honour to inform you that one Joseph Oldfield is in illegal occupation of those crown lands viz 240 acres which I conditionally purchased 30th October on the west bank of the Murrumbidgee river in the Queanbeyan di[...]eed against him in accordance with the provisions of the Lands Acts of 1861. I have given no kind of consent to Oldfields continuing... on such land; and on complaining to our Land Agent of such persistent occupation on my conditiona[...]ion" (31/12/67). It was later noted "In the event of the trespass having been committed subsequent to the date of the conditional purchase I conclude that the Govt[...]d upon to interfere" (14/1168). This was the gist of the reply sent to de Salis by the Lands Departmen[...]cting Portion 30, a 40-acre portion, to the south of Oldfields selection and Portions 29 and 31 which[...]left the Oldfields with a very disjointed pattern of selections squeezed in between Portion 7 and de S[...]ock Portion 1 and blocked to the west by a series of selections (see Figure 7.33). Effectively, by strategic selections and with the assistance of information about Oldfield's planned selections,[...]e able to block the Oldfields from taking control of an important part of the northern end of Cuppacumbalong. Joe Oldfield senior made five selections of 40 acres each on 20th November (portions 38 to 41). These were to the west of the de Salis selections on undulating grassed country which, while of reasonable quality, was not as good as the land a[...]leather there, as he still works at his old trade of shoemaker" (Folio 78/690 Lands Department - Condi[...]the Oldfields was that they had come to a series of agreements with them. The de Salis diaries record[...]Salis mentions going halves for boundary fencing of Oldfield's selection and "told him 1 would not be particular about a few of his cattle running outside the fence, this |
| [...]agreed to a truce. The 01dfields were allowed use of the whole block of land between Portions 7 and 1 provided they gave[...]10/1/1881). Later Joe selected Portion 63 Parish of Cuppacumbalong and developed a small holding call[...]entially hostile selector was Michael Cotter, son of Garnett Cotter whose family held Demandering Run, the southern neighbour of Cuppacumbalong. The Cotters had made extensive se[...]area between the Clear Range and the western bank of the Murrumbidgee from the 1860s. Cotter's selection, along with that of Lenane's opposite, was seen as a hostile act by Leopold de Salis. There was talk of some retaliatory selections on Cotter's run but t[...]0 George de Salis selected the remaining 70 acres of land between Portion 23 and the Tharwa Village Reserve in the name of the late John White and in virtue of Portion 23. Needless to say this caused some fuss[...]e portion was forfeited despite having £42 worth of improvements on it. Although George de Salis wrot[...]85/18822 SRNSW Ref 10/17321). George White, son of John and Mary White, purchased the selections of James Robertson (which had been made in December[...]up small holdings with the permission and support of the de Salises. Tong was a trusted employe[...] |
| [...]mas Warner senior, another former convict servant of Wright's, had built up a small holding of selections on the flat in Naas Valley from 1864.[...]hased the run. He was not disturbed and sold much of his crop to the de Salises. On his death in 1886[...]ises for £130. More surprising is the selection of several portions of good quality flats at Naas by Thomas Gregory from 1881. From the de Salis diaries there is no evidence of Gregory being a dummy, although he was an employe[...]e other approved selectors, obtained a good piece of land. There were two types of "bona fide" selectors, hostile and friendly. The[...]e selections by the Oldfield family. In the case of the "friendly" selectors, they were able to estab[...]osits for the selections. Here we see the example of the English gentlemen, mentioned in the quotation[...]sinterested. Nonetheless it was an important part of the de Salis strategy, as a noble estate always r[...]e shared domestic ideal and the essential problem of selection. Both the de Salises and the selectors had the aim of achieving the domestic ideal - the home, the hearth and family. The difference was in the scope of the establishment, the selectors looking for the[...]o help the respectable servants achieve the ideal of a small farm and residence so long as it was in t[...]ily. Thus the traditional Australian bush notions of egalitarianism and the "fair go" in this c[...] |
| [...]gave the Wrights a large part ofthe northern end of Cuppacumbalong. Wright's action prompted George t[...]ad been "blowing about what he will do in the way of impounding our sheep". Later that month, on the 2[...]ssing fencing with Wright negotiated the purchase of the selections (some 760 acres) for £500. The la[...]ending to select on Coolemon, clearly in the hope of securing some vital land that either Campbell or[...]turn to England. 172 These were JJ Wright "father of Queanbeyan", and his son JJM Wright. They[...] |
| [...]e original conditional purchases. Given that much of the de Salis property was held as conditional purchases or improvement purchases, the process of taking up selections or making improvement purcha[...]required to undertake improvements. Improvements of course involve changes to the landscape so the pattern of selection and the de Salises responses resulted in the modification of the landscape to "improve" it. Thus the actual squatting landscape is a result of the patterns of land ownership and the associated improvements. The Conditional Purchase files record the process of improvement. Firstly the initial application was[...]posed to be paid compensation). Then the surveyor of the land was supposed to record improvements and[...]three years. After each declaration the Inspector of Conditional Purchases was to make an independent assessment of Improvements. Inevitably there were cases of discrepancy in value. The de Salises were noted on a number of occasions to have made fairly large claims for the value of improvements which were challenged by the Inspectors, in particular Charles Cropper, a redoubtable foe of the de Salises. 173 These disputes ended in the Land Courts or in Commissions of Inquiry. Once all the improvements and residence had been verified then a final certificate of conformity was issued, leaving the selector with[...]e. It is possible for the impact on the landscape of the process of selection to be assessed using this information. A database of improvements has been established. The assessments of improvements in the applicant's declarations have[...]aced on the surveyor's assessment and the records of the Inspectors. The analysis has also ignored dum[...]e by dummies have been included in the assessment of the de Salis estate. Theoretically it should be p[...]til the 1870s and detailed and consistent records of inspection only exist from the 1880s. 173 George de Salis wrote of Cropper, "I do not know why he has a down[...] |
| [...]four categories, similar to those used by Butlin of looking at capital expenditure on pastoral stations in the Western Division ofNSW. Table 7.4 ummary of de ali Improvement on uppacumbalon[...]ated with extreme caution given the inconsistency of the records on which it is based. But it shows ge[...]d 1860 to 1892. These are that: • The value of land clearing activities is almost half of the expenditure. • The value of water conservation improvements is minimal. The critical point being that land clearing of all the improvements, has the most direct impact[...]and trees are common, particularly on the margins of the flats, improvements emphasised clearing. The nature of the types of improvement and their impact on the landscape are[...]at either Cuppacumbalong or aas homesteads, both of which were on freehold land, so there was no scop[...]as required to make a serviceable hut was a frame of stout timbers and some galvanised iron to make th[...]nd chimney. George de Salis records having frames of huts 20' by 12' made for £50 (de Salis di[...] |
| [...]the difficulty in locating archaeological remains of hut sites. Even when their location is marked on[...]ckyards. These were more important to the working of the run than the portable houses (although I susp[...]aring was an important improvement as the essence of selection was to create small agricultural holdin[...]ld trees. The important point is that the process of clearing was occurring as a result of the Land Acts rather than being related to the en[...]that some clearing might have occurred regardless of the Lands Acts. In the debate on the Ring-barking[...]75 Leopold de Salis loudly proclaimed the virtues of ring-barking as an improvement to the land (rathe[...]ad inspected his run as commenting that, "instead of being punished for the ring-barking on it I ought[...]7). Clearing seems to have occurred in a variety of stages. First was ring-barking which involved cutting a deep groove around the sap wood of a tree with the aim of.cutting the supply of sap to the branches from the roots and causing the tree to die. Associated with this was the picking up of dead wood and removing it, usually by burning. Th[...]: "And round all the trunks of the naked white trees The marks of the death-ring are seen." Later he refers to the "skeleton wraith of a wood" (Lawson Skeleton Flat, 1890). 114This[...]s were often counted twice or more in the valuing of improvements thus the fifure in Table 7.4 is likely to over-estimate the value of buildings. 17 The debate in the Legislative Assem[...]fic" turn, reflecting the more gentlemanly nature of the chamber. |
| [...]ture trees where two trunks grow out from a point of common origin. Thus it was important to "sucker"[...]king was effective in removing trees. The removal of trees often promoted rapid growth and colonisation of land by scrub species and scrub removal also beca[...]ad already been inspected and a final certificate of conformity issued then there was no reason to exp[...]so burnt to destroy new growth. Finally the roots of the tree were "grubbed," this involved cutting the roots of a tree at depth and removing the stump. Usually t[...]basically grassy plains. However clearing was one of the few options for the squatter in making genuin[...]the de Salises there might well have been a sense of mission about ring-barking given Leopold de Salis[...]is' diaries indicate that he employed small teams of two to three people, usually local residents on a[...]nd improve portions. In addition there is mention of deliberately setting fire to some land. The de Salises seemed to exaggerate the value of ring-barking particularly in the early years of selection. Later, the Inspectors of conditional purchases seem to give ring-barking a[...]spect the de Salises were over-claiming the value of improvements. When the regulations changed and th[...]s, it is notable that they only specified fencing of selections rather than insisting on clearing. This probably reflects the local situation in the County of Cowley where agriculture was not going to be viable in the mountainous terrain. The impact of clearing on the landscape was probably not felt f[...]for each catchment depending on the configuration of the catchment. The amount of rainfall was also an important factor. As selecti[...]t, again reinforcing the tendency for the impacts of clearing to occur differentially across the lands[...]an uniformly across a squatting run. The burning of the landscape would have reinforced the effect of clearing by the squatters. George de Salis record[...]berately set on Cuppacumbalong. With the increase of fencing on the land however the setting of |
| [...]fires would have declined due to the possibility of expensive fences being burnt out. On Coolemon, th[...]was not seen as an improvement. Fences Fencing of squatting runs as discussed in Chapter 3 began in[...]lia. The principle advantage lay in the reduction of labour costs and increasing stocking rates. Various forms of fences were constructed, ranging from the dry stone walls of the Western District, chuck and log fences, post and rail fences and increasingly from the 1850s wire fences of varying types (see Pickard 1992, 1997). Generally fencing is not considered to be a major agent of environmental change however Pickard (1994), has[...]n where timber sources were scarce and the impact of cutting the trees would have been more pronounced[...]n the Canberra region. From the squatter's point of view, fencing, while important in managing stock,[...]if running around every small portion. Thus many of the de Salis fences on portions were not fencing the portion boundaries but part of a larger scheme of fencing on the run creating paddocks suitable for stock. Thus the rectangular pattern of selection on the parish plans would not be matched by a similar pattern of fences on the ground. Following the passing of the Crown Lands Act (1884) every conditional purchaser was required to fence the boundaries of the conditional purchase with a substantial fence of the "prescribed classes" and maintain the fence in good repair during the period of residence required by each conditional purchaser[...]requirement for fencing would have had the effect of increasing demand on timber resources and encoura[...]Under the Crown Lands Regulations 1884 six types of fences were specified but this seems to have been[...]arious amendments to the regulations, the classes of acceptable fencing was increased. In the late 1880s the Local Lands Board began to specify the type of fencing and the area it was to enclose. Th[...] |
| [...]258 There is no record of the de Salises ever constructing a dam, well or b[...]od and reliable rainfall in the region. Draining of swamps Improvements on the Boroombah run by the McKeahnie family (neighbours of the de Salises) inevitably included the construction of drains to drain the swampy flats and this seems to be a common activity elsewhere in the district. It is, of course, of short- term benefit in improving animal health (as it reduces the risk of footrot) but as the swampy flats acted as de-facto dams, draining swamps has a long term effect of reducing water available for the stock. In considering the overall pattern of husbanding the run, the de Salises having gone down the route of establishing the estate by conditional purchase w[...]ch portion. This requirement existed irrespective of whether a portion actually needed to be "improved[...]ments to be more closely related to the realities of grazing. However "improvement' was still being derived by legislation rather than by the realities of grazing and the environment. This explains why so[...]t a requirement for using the land. The sequence of improvement (i.e. where and when it occurred) is[...]case. Co CLUSIO The de Salises used a variety of strategies to fashion the de Salis freehold estate out of the leasehold run. Detailed study of the individual portions through the Lands Department files combined with the diaries of George de Salis, has allowed a unique insight into the process of husbanding a squatter's estate. This process was largely controlled by the patriarch of the family Leopold de Salis, assisted by his son George who was the manager of Cuppacumbalong and Coolemon. However Leopold did not have a free hand in the creation of the estate as he had to work through a system of legislation, regulation and bureaucracy which, while underpinned by commonly held notions of domesticity, had the aim of promoting the' yeoman" farmer rather than the squatter. The importance of the evidence in the de Salis diaries, with their[...]and the Lands Department records, with their view of the process, is that for the first time th[...] |
| [...]259 the personalities of the individuals involved, and their social roles can be seen. Thus, unlike the broad view of squatter versus selectors which sees them as bein[...]he first means used to create the estate was that of exercising their pre-emptive right under the Orde[...]ng homestead through purchase without competition of village lots at Tharwa. However Leopold de Salis secured most of the land through the process of conditional purchase under the various Land Acts.[...]lections the de Salises were able to gain control of the most valuable land, the flats within Cuppacum[...]leased run into freehold estate. By the process of counter selection and some sharp work in the Land[...]g them to select on non-essential land. A pattern of land ownership of a large estate with small farms on the margins was created. The actual shape of the land was created according to the surveyor's regulations of the time which aimed to prevent squatters from sq[...]tors. Thus some selection patterns were suspected of "peacocking" the land and were rejected. As all parties mainly used the selection provisions of the various Crown Land Acts the creation of an estate was linked with the need to make improv[...]ainly clearing, followed by fencing, construction of buildings and some dam construction. On Coolemon there was minimal clearing recorded and the majority of improvements were fencing and buildings. These di[...]he selectors were forced to improve, irrespective of any need to for grazing purposes, although given the strong commitment of Leopold de Salis to ring-barking, it is likely th[...]ng would have been ring-barked as a demonstration of his ability to husband the run according to the latest principals of "scientific" farming. 176 176In this context, it should be mentioned that William Farrer, one of Australia's early "agricultural scientists[...] |
| [...]260 The impact of the de alis husbanding and the elements discussed[...]e following chapter which focuses on the creation of the de Salis cultural landscape on a catch[...] |
| [...]Salis landscape was created by using the strategy of working through the Land Acts to control the firs[...]modation with selectors when appropriate. The use of the Lands Acts required that each portion be "imp[...]ring-barking. In this chapter, the transformation of the landscape due to these processes is outlined[...]and photographs in order to try to give a vision of how the landscape was put together. The data on the pattern of land acquisition is derived from the Conditional[...]l as Boroombah and Orroral). The relevant aspects of the files were copied and filed according to port[...]ontour map derived from AUSLIG's 1:250,000 series of digital mapping data. These produced the maps used for each catchment. 178 Analysis of each catchment was made by a combination of detailed examination of the relevant 1:25,000 topographic maps and by field inspections of all catchments, 179 (except Coolemon which I was unable to get to due to snow). Descriptions of the Landforms were made using Australian Soil and[...]ok (McDonald et al. 1990) which is a valuable way of describing (and to some extent explaining) the physical environment. The process of combining this information into landscape descrip[...]er to Paddy's River. This is mainly the catchment of Bames Creek, which rises on the eastern side of a ridge running north south from Castle Hill to B[...]0m wide and about 1.2km long. On the eastern side of the flat rises a ridge, 40m above the flat. The r[...]ridge. Lambrigg Homestead is on the eastern side of the 177 Here I gladly acknowledge the help of my sister Meg Stuart in establishing the database. 178 The overlay of the different layers of data was not precise, no doubt due to the well-known difficulties of using the cadastral plans, which were not precisely tied into any form of geoid. 179 I was assisted by Miss S. McKay[...] |
| [...]rivate graveyard (probably containing the remains of William Farrer) is located on its crest. The initial selections of Portions 7, 19, & 20 in 1863 were protecting fron[...]urrumbidgee. The garden and hut shown on the plan of 1864 were probably some form of out-station. Portion 20 took in an area known as[...]and the de Salises attempts to control the extent of their selections. Thus Portions 24, 25, 26, |
| [...]264 Figure 8:2 Photo of Catchment 1 from the South-West showing flats and[...], was improved by the de Salis family as the bulk of the improvements were done by April 1885, after t[...]conditional purchase. By ovember 1877, the date of Cropper's inspections, the majority of the land in the catchment seems to have been ring[...]used it for his experimental wheat crops.180 uch of this land lies in the flat and valley sides but no single portion takes in the flat, suggesting the aim of the selections was to block in the Oldfields. Th[...]. C TeHME. T 2: M RR MBIDGEE ORTH OF TH RW I William Farrer is well known for his[...]which re ulted ill the famous "Federation" strain of wheat. The great irony I that the wheat wa[...] |
| [...]Figure 8.3 Catchment 2 Murrumbidgee North of Tharwa The area to the west of Tharwa consists of a ridge running north west from the Tharwa[...]hrough to Castle Hill. The area to the east of this area and south of catchment 1 is in this catchment. Although the sl[...]r with the base being the northern boundary of Catchment 1 and is 1.2km wide. The apex is the Th[...]he Murrumbidgee. The catchment has a number of small watercourses running west from the ri[...]a was first taken up by the pre-emptive purchases of Leopold de Salis and described as good agricultural land. Portions 1 & 2 were linked by selections of Portion 17 & 18, which lapsed and were purc[...]tion in 1869. These selections took up much of the flat. No record of improvements exist for any of these portions.[...] |
| [...]ure 8.4 Catchment 2 looking South from the flanks of Castle Hill ridge The northern border of this catchment was part of the land disputed by the Oldfield's and the de Salises and the selection and improvement pattern is a result of this action. There were also the small selections of both Harris and Robertson which eventually were t[...]s dummies for the de Salises. This was in an area of moderately sloping land which could not be consid[...]made selections further inland in the hills west of Tharwa during 1880-1881. Selectors John Sheedy and Daniel White made later selections and conditional leases of land around the margins of Castle Hill in the early 1890s. mprovements generally consisted of ring-barking and clearing, with more intense cult[...]ilt on the sel ction blocks. Initial improvements of clearing, fencing, and a hou e were recorded on Portion 23 as part of Harris's selection in the period 1867-69. Improve[...]1880. Improvements on the de alis selections west of Tharwa were made between 1885 and 1 88. Finally, a fairly substantial et of improvements were made by heedyon Portion[...] |
| [...]evident gully erosion. On the north western side of the creek there is a moderately inclined slope rising some 50m in 300m to the crest of the Clear Hills ridge. Sawyers Gully is mostly cleared and grassed with a few areas of weed infestation. Two of de Salises pre-emptive selections, Portions 3 and[...]wed by conditional purchases (by George de Salis) of Portions 13 & 14, which linked the two previous p[...]ed Fishlock as a dummy in the north-western comer of the catchment by a series of conditional purchases (Series 14) in 1873 and 187[...]d around Castle Hill. The McKeahnies took up some of the hills along the boundary between Boroombah and Cuppacumbalong (i.e. the western edge of the catchment) mainly as conditional lease[...] |
| [...]ring) gully The improvements by 1863 were areas of fencing and cultivation on Portion 15 and a hut o[...]ts when surveyed in 1864 but by 1866 improvements of cottage, farm buildings, milking, stock & pig yards, fencing, clearing and draining oflands to the value of £170 were claimed for both portions. How[...] |
| [...]s gully looking orth West election on the sides of the flat resulted in intensive clearing. Not only[...]ring was undertaken in 1884. No doubt, one effect of this was increased erosion. There is severe gully erosion along Sawyers Creek and in eroded sections of the creek evidence of recent deposition of sediment. The final phases of improvment occurred in the 1890s when small selections were e tablished around Castle Hill, on the flanks of Mount Tennent and on the border of Boroombah and Cuppacumbalong. By this time, emphasis in the regulations was placed on fencing of boundaries rather than clearing, and so the impro[...]d taken up must be een as second class on account of its steep lopes, poor quality of vegetation and lack of water. |
| [...]BvRIvER-WE TB K The southern boundary of Sawyers Gully is a poorly defmed ridge running ea[...]and meeting high ground which forms an extension of the Clear Range. Here the Gudgenby River flows th[...]a complex but gently inclined slope to the crest of the eastern ridge, which is followed by a more ge[...]granite boulders. The boulders and scrubby nature of the country meant it was not good quality and it was not intensely settled until the tum of the century. This was also the site ofTSR 1063 an[...]he Gudgenby River and on the west by the boundary of Cuppacumbalong Run, which runs along a ridge from Mount Tennent. The shape of the flats in the catchment is rather like a 1. The flats start about 2km south of the northern border and gradually widens to the s[...]bout 200m wide but in the south near the junction of the Naas River, it is some 800m wide. As the Gudg[...]w to about 100m. This catchment was the location of an out-station since Wright held Lanyon (one of Wright's shepherds was charged with letting the s[...]a hut and gardens and presumably was the location of the out-station. No selections occurred in this area until December 1874 when the series of conditional purchases (Series 6) was established in the south of the catchment on a bend of the Gudgenby River. Henry Oldfield held these as[...]1 followed by Portion 159 as a conditional lease (of some 647 acres). Finally Portion 40 was selected[...]n May 1883. In effect, this put the southern part of the catchment into de alis hands. By 1885[...] |
| [...].7 Gudgenby River West Bank In the northern part of the catchment Portion 99 was selected in Septembe[...]3 and Portion 75 in August 1883. This is Series 7 of conditional purchases, which White was holding for George de Salis. The establishment of this series required a hut (2 rooms) for White to[...]lease in July 1890. This was located to the west of the Series 7 selections up on the flanks of Mount Tennent. When surveyed in 1891 the boundari[...]. Andrew McMahon selected the land on the flanks of Mount Tennent in 1892. McMahon was building up a holding of selections on Mount Tennent and he took up some of the original conditional leased land (Portion 117) as selections. The improvements consisted of fencing.[...] |
| [...]ver C TCHME T 5: THE Lo G GULLY, OUTH OF M RR BIDGEE This land consists ofa steep ridge rising about 130m from the junction of the Gudgenby and Murrumbidgee River. There is a r[...]a "the Long Gully" when he recorded the selection of the land in his diary (29 th August 1872). This Catchment was selected as part of conditional purchase Series 10, which as discussed above was originally set out to follow the course of the gully. This was deemed unacceptable and the s[...]rtion 20. By 1878, Cropper reported some 80 acres of the serie as being ring-barked and also was complaining that the value of improvement were insufficient. |
| [...]274 Portion 121, which was a portion of some 200 acres to the west of the catchment between the ridge and the Gudgenby[...]l purchase. On survey in July 1884 a small amount of fencing was recorded. On inspection in April 1886[...]122 and 119 as conditional leases. A minor amount of ring-barking was recorded on survey of Portion 109. The upper reaches of the catchment were contained within parts of Portions 39, 74, 75 and 110 but the files have not been located. 181 Portion 77 was a conditional lease of George de Salis and took in the former Water Reserve WR 6. There is no record of improvements. CATCHME T 6: REEDY CREEK[...]escends through a flat, then through a short drop of about 100m in 1km, then through a much larger fla[...]dgee. The first land taken up was Portion 1, one of de Salises pre-emptive purchases. This was to sec[...]n by Leopold de Salis. This in effect deprives us of any information on the improvements. As noted in[...]Reserve 66A and 67 were proclaimed on either side of Portion 1 on 6th June 1868. These prevented selection on the sides of the flat. To the north, Portion 68 was a conditional purchase of 640 acres (the minimum allowed) by Charles Dyball[...]0. He also held Portion 76 as a conditional lease of 634 acres. Dyball was a carter who worked for the[...]rom old iron fencing and a salt shed, total value of around £7. His second inspection in May[...] |
| [...]acres ring-barked, 20 acres packed and 2.5 miles of7-wire fencing. The total value was £357. The fin[...]on in April 1886 listed improvements to the value of £375. The extra improvements were in extending t[...]s selection. What he did not do was to clear much of his 640 acres. Apart from ring-barking and some p[...]ortion 95 as a special lease. On the western side of Reedy Creek, running over the Clear Range, the land was held as part of the Cuppacumbalong run and not selected until the[...]was not selected until 1909. On the eastern side of the catchment, WR 67 was subdivided as Homestead[...]nto the Cuppacumbalong Land Exchange). Again much of the land was held as part of the Cuppacumbalong run and selection did not occu[...]balong. In the Reedy Creek catchment, the impact of improvement was not as great as elsewhere because of the pattern of selection. Once the core area of the flats were secure, which had occurred by 1863[...]pastoral run apart from the "friendly" selections of Dyball. Presumably, this reflects the poor quality of the remaining land although the flat selected as Portion 108 would have been of a higher quality. Strategically it would h[...] |
| [...]MEI T WE TOFTHEM RR MBIDGEE There are a series of small catchments running up to lkm west of the Murrumbidgee and bounded by a ridge forming t[...]ts and Reedy Creek catchments. The characteristic of these catchments is a moderately inclined simple slope rising fTom the Murrumbidgee of about 100m m 600m followed by a gently inclined complex slope, almost a flat. To the west of this typically is a moderately inclined simple sl[...]easier. The first selection in the catchment was of Portion 23, a conditIonal purchase of Henry de alis in ay 1873. This was the first cond[...]ose a creek, '\ hile the two additional purchases of Portions 37 and 38 in September 1875 took in gently inclined land to the west of Portion 23. Portion 69 was elected in March 1881[...]lapsed. The series was completed by the election of Portions 69, 8, and 79 as an additional conditional purchase of240 acres along with a conditional lea e (l[...] |
| [...]had been moved from the land once Henry's period of residence was over, so apart from the fence the o[...]in October 1890. Edward Tandy selected a series of four 40-acre conditional purchases in 1875. These took in an area of flattish land on the western boundary of the catchment. These all lapsed between 18[...] |
| [...]279 Figure 8.12 Catchments 7 & 8 west of the Murrumbidgee[...] |
| [...]ilar to the preceding one having a steep gradient of about 100m 10 500m on the frontage to the Murrumb[...]ar Range. This is the last catchment in this area of Cuppacumbalong Run that was selected by the de Sa[...]ion in the catchment began with the establishment of Portion 26 as a conditional purchase of Martin ugent, a dummy for the de alises, in May 1[...]ng-barked and 20 acre p cked along with 40 chains of wire fencing. George de alis then elected Portion 120 in July 1883. This election linked this eries of selections with those of Henry de ali in Catchment 7, at this tage Portion[...]to the Murrumbidgee (80 chains) and thus the area of Portion 120 was reduced to 51 acres. The selection of Portion 79 111 ovember 1886 |
| [...]nted thi . [here were no impro ements at the time of survey in Febmary 1884. The final de alis select[...]I 84 when a 309 acre block was taken to the west of Portions 24 to 26. Again, this was a problematic[...]surveyed for auction but not approved at the time of selection. As well, it enclosed the road from Tharwa to Michclago. The boundary of Portion 22 was adjusted to the west to avoid these encroachments. Improvements on the original eries of conditional purchase were In peeted in January 18[...]tlOns in thi area in I 9 and 1900, after the ale of uppacumb< long. Pas ibly, George de ali ran this 1, nd from 'oglio th nlll h purcha ed after thl: ale of uppacumbalong. |
| [...]282 CATCHME T 9: E ST ID OF THE G DGE BY RIVER A D AAS RIVER.[...]between the Gudgenby River and east to the crest of the Clear Range. This is moderately inclined land rising about 200m in about I km to the crest of the Clear Range. The creeks accordingly run fairly straight and there are few areas of flat ground. These tend to lie on the crest of the ridge or between the river and the commencement of the upward slope. But there is not a consistent area of flat along the river. As a way of understanding settlement and improvement,[...] |
| [...]283 Figure 8.15 Catchment 9 East of Gudgenby River and aas River |
| [...]old de Salis selected Portion 121 in 1882 as part of his previous selections in Long Gully catchment.[...]ons were in a gently inclined area near the crest of the ridge but they must not have been important a[...]ray resided on Portion 113 by the river (no trace of his house remains). Lester in surveying the porti[...]that no road could be made along the eastern bank of the Gudgenby "owing to the roughness of country and the precipitous nature of the bank". Lester noted improvements ofa garden and was forced to reduce the size of Portion 114 to bring it into the 80-chain limit.[...]ay was then 71 years old. The landform consisted of a moderately inclined rise to the crest of the ridge taking in most of Portions 113 and 114. The area on the river was g[...]0 acres were ring-barked and 80 acres packed. All of Portion 114 had been ring-barked. A further inspe[...]the land be fenced. Reporting on his inspection of 10'h March 1893, Inspector Spicer questioned Gray[...]due to his age and was concerned about the state of the fences. 0 wonder, as Gray had been dead for seven months by then and was resting in the outer circle of the de Salis burial plot! D. S. Betts however had[...]Bank in 1899. Dyball's lease Immediately south of Grays series was Dyball's conditional lease of 634 acres, Portion 76 taken up in July 188[...] |
| [...]River Tong' 1890 land Immediately south of Portion 76 are Portions 84, 111 and 83. Portion 84 was a conditional purchase of Thomas Tong in July 1890. Portions 84 and 111 were conditional leases held in virtue of the former selection. This land was an extension of Tong's fanning activities further south. Kelly's[...]t credit upon the selector but has the appearance of being constantly used as a home, it contains bunk[...]and some 20 acres was packed. The land consisted of about 500m of gently inclined land of about a 12% gradient followed by about lkm ofland rising steeply (gradient 38%) to the crest of the range. It is clear from later evidence that t[...]is in pril 1890 and in tum it came into the hands of the Union Bank in October 1892. They sold[...] |
| [...]unding these portions were two conditional leases of Portion 82 (some 960 acres) of July 1890. Patrick Kelly held a large amount of marginal land from 1890 onwards. It seems from ev[...]lis employee and was allowed to select Portion 96 of 40 acres in June 1881. This was the start of the farm' aas Valley". Portion 112 of 120 acres was selected in July 1883. Portion 41 of 100 acres was added in December 1883 and Portion 48 of 40 acres in October 1884. These portions fronted[...]ng a block running from aas Creek ea t to the top of the Clear Range. On survey of Portions 96 and 112 in August 1883 improvements of a brush fence, hut and garden worth £38 were rec[...]n found fencing valued at £24-2. A second series of inspections found the same improvements but that more clearing and fencing had occurred, bringing the value of improvements to £ 141 on both portions a[...] |
| [...]spected Portion 41 in July 1887 finding 32 chains of 6-wire fence and 20 chains of log and brush fences and 6 acres in cultivation. The survey of Portion 48 in February 1885 showed improvements of a fence running through the portion valued at £5[...]ith Tong's application for the yearly instalments of interest on the land to be reduced noted that he[...]cultivation fronting Naas Creek and that the rest of the land was grazed. It seems most of the improvements were on the land fronting Naas C[...]ll area suitable for cultivation and a large area of not particularly good sheep country to the east.[...]ted in October 1878. This land took in about 800m of gently inclined land and the balance steep rising land. Arthur Herbert Graham McDonald, a cousin of the De Salises, purchased both lots at auction. N[...]residence in jail was for 18 months but the area of cultivation was doubled in value to £20. It was[...]From Bob Booth who George de Salis considered one of the poorest squatters. |
| [...]288 The portion had about 540m of gently inclined land then rose steeply in a compl[...]in 1910) Portions 94 and 93 were taken up as part of this series. Apart from Portion 63 the whole seri[...]. Lenane Portion 101 was a conditional purchase of 40 acres in August 1881 and Portion 102 of 300 acres was an additional conditional purchase[...]n 92 was taken up as another conditional purchase of Joe Oldfield (junior) in August 1893 along with P[...]The Naas Valley catchment runs from the junction of the Naas and Gudgenby Creek south. For the purposes of this study the catchment is confined to the main flat which is terminated by the southern boundary of the Parish ofCuppacumbalong. To the east it is bo[...]Billy Range. The main flat is on the western side of the Naas River and extends for about 1km westwards before rising 400m in about 1.5 Ian to the crest of the Billy Range. In contrast with the eastern side of the Naas River the western side flats are flatter, wider and the gradient to the crest of the Billy Ranges is more moderate. Therefore the[...]ng and cultivation than that on the opposite side of the river. Naas Valley was probably occupied by 1834 as part of Herbert's Naas run. Later it was occupied as Naas[...]aw. The first selection in the catchment was that of Thomas Warner who took a 40 acres selection, Port[...]pted selections by the Herbert family and dummies of Portion 4 of 100 acres, Portion 5 of 50 acres, Portion 6 of 110 acres and Portion 7 of 100 acres. These were all made on the 5th March 1863. Warner made an additional purchase of another 40 acres, Portion 8, in September 1864.[...]arner's selection was described as being the site of "an old stockyard, now abandoned of Mr. Chippendale". The plan of Portion 3 shows a cultivation paddock on G[...] |
| [...]aas Valley (west side Naas river) "about Y4 of a mile up the creek from an old garden fence fonnerly in occupance of Mr. Chippendale". Portion 6 was "near an old stat[...]. Chippendales" this is shown on the portion plan of September 1864. So clearly Chippendale had improved Naas Valley by construction of yards, fenced areas off for cultivation and estab[...]selections were allowed to lapse due to the lack of survey, L. S. Thompson being blamed for th[...] |
| [...]use, stockyards, fencing and cleanng to the value of £75. The plan of the portions made m eptember 1864 shows a fenced[...]and 8 are virtually empty and no further details of improvements can be ascertained. George de alis[...]he portion plan. The next action wa the purchase of measured Portions 3, 5 and 7 (z.e.. lapsed conditional purcha e's of the Herbert family), a total of250 acres by Leopold de Salis in 1arch 1871[...] |
| [...]land at the time. George describes the inspection of his selection as occurring on the 1st December 18[...]acres for Warner". This was the lapsed Portion 4 of 100 acres which Warner selected on 24 th December[...]m and may have been taken to prevent any thoughts of expansion. The conditional purchase file only has[...]it so no improvements are recorded. This series of conditional purchases, built on Portion 6, secure[...]rms. The key point is that there was only a strip of flat land along Naas River, which would have been useful for intensive farming. By the end of 1874 the de Salis had control of most of this land (around 1.5 miles) with Thomas Warner h[...]base for additional selections. The next series of selections were those of Series 2 based on a conditional purchase of 40 acres by Thomas Oldfield acting on behalf of George de Salis. Oldfield took Portions 59, 60 an[...]ere located at the head ofNaas Valley to the west of Portion 3. This area was a wide flat of about 1.4 km west of the Naas river and bounded on the north by the Gudgenby river. These selections secured most of the land for the de Salises. Improvements on surv[...]inspection in October 1878 revealed improvements of a very poor hut and ring-barking on all th[...] |
| [...]e that encompassed the land to the west and south of the original purchase. In the south it filled the[...]alis also expanded his own holdings in the middle of the catchment by additional conditional purchase of Portion 100, some 100 acres south of Portion 6 in July 1881. To this he added Portion 44 of62 acres in July 1883. George originally wanted th[...]earing. These last two selections marked the end of de Salis' selections until 1890 (although Leopold[...]at that stage two large holdings, one at the head of the valley and the other in the middle with a small gap of about 40 chains between them. This gap was filled[...]anuary 1887. The de Salises occupied the majority of the wide flat beside the Naas River. The remainin[...]rn hills. A large selection was made at the head of the valley by Michael Cotter in August 1881. This[...]a prominent hill and ridge. There is a small area of flat basically running some 300m away from the bank of the Naas River as it curves around this hill. e[...]George de Salis in July 1890 followed by a series of selections and conditional leases taking in Porti[...]the de Salis freehold up to the crest (and over) of the Billy Range. I suspect these selections were[...]er small selections were made at the southern end of the valley by the Oldfield (circa 1900) and Kirch[...]. F. O'Conner took the tempting gap in the middle of the De Salis selections in 1900. These selections followed the abolition of the reserves. Nothing really remains from[...] |
| [...]oon Creek is a small creek running for a distance of some 6km north and lying west of the main crest of the Billy Range. For the first 5km it runs throug[...]n through this valley. The valley itself consists of a moderately inclined slope from the ridge on the[...]west before rising steeply to reaching the crest of the western boundary of the catchment. The first selection in this catchment was a conditional purchase of 100 acres by James Oldfield who selected Portion 2. This was followed by selections of Portions 12 and Portion 11, each of 100 acres in May and June 1881. The selections fr[...]idge crest 150m above Half Moon creek. On survey of Portion 2 in April 1881 the only improvement was[...]886, listing a two-room slab hut, a shed, 4 acres of cultivation, an old hut, garden and stockyard and[...]took Portion 22 as a conditional lease in virtue of his selection of Portion 21 (which was in the Gudgenby Rive[...] |
| [...]CHME T 12: AAS FLAT Naas flat is an area of extensive flats adjacent to the Gudgenby River ab[...]oombah Creek. The catchment was the home station of the aas run of William Herbert who established himself here in t[...]the runs as being separate. There is no evidence of a separate residence for the |
| [...]the Gudgenby river and, if any sense can be made of the 1848 boundary description, this seems to be i[...]lan (circa 1880) the run was incorporated as part of Cuppacumbalong Holding and accuracy of internal boundaries between the incorporated runs[...]Naas and Naas Valley were sold to the partnership of Emmanuel Mandelson and Moses Joseph in October 1866. 184 Mandelson and Joseph are of interest due to their being a rare example of Jewish squatters. The purchase included the two s[...]an into fmancial trouble as well as being accused of stealing one of the McKeahnie's bullocks. The Australian Joint St[...]Thomas Herbert applied for a pre-emptive purchase of a portion of their run and accordingly the land was surveyed i[...]27-link frontage on the Gudgenby river. The plan of the portions shows farms buildings, yards, a garden and cultivation paddocks. The first series of conditional purchases occurred with the series of conditional purchases on the northern bank of the Gudgenby river (partly in Catchment 4) in 187[...]Creek and ran back into the steeply rising flanks of Mount Tennent. The next selections were a series of conditional purchases made by Thomas Gregory. Starting in 1881 he took Portion 10 of 80 acres, Portion 1 of 80 acres in 1882,186 Portion 15 of240 acres in 1883 and Portion 17 of 100 acres in 1884. These took in the flats on the west side of the Gudgenby River and were bounded to the north[...]in 1890 John Gregory took up the land to the west of these portions as a conditional lease and a condi[...]e surveyors forgot it or thought it was in Parish of Cuppacumbalong when Portion I was being s[...] |
| [...]his is despite Gregory's holding the largest area of flat. However the de Salis diaries report Tom Gre[...]e Salis diaries 6th October 1881). In the context of the diaries, this would seem to be a friendly sel[...]acres had been grubbed and burnt off. Total value of improvements was £39. A second inspection in Ju[...]Portion 1, inspected in July 1887, had 26 chains of 6-wire fencing and 20 acres cleared and grubbed while Portion 15 and 50 chains of fencing and 80 acres ring- barked. Portion 17 was[...]d and 100 acres scrubbed and there were 30 chains of 6-wire fencing. 187 There is no mention of them in the de Salis diaries.[...] |
| [...]t down the Gudgenby River valley The aggregate of Gregory's land was 500 acres, which was improved to the value of £314-50 (Lands Department - Conditional Sales Br[...]to the west. The remaining land was left as part of the Cuppacumbalong pastoral holding except for Po[...]nt purchase in 1882. This was located on 51 acres of land at the junction of Half Moon Creek and the Gudgenby River. Leopold d[...]fencing and 6 acres cleared. On survey the value of improvements was found to be £51, the house bein[...]de Salis took Portion 20 imm diately to the west of the aas pre-emptive right as a 360-acres conditional lease. This was part of the Senes 2 conditional purchases in the aas Valley catchment. Finally, in ugust 1890, a small selection of 80 acres was taken up as Portion 19 by a H[...] |
| [...]t also occurred up Boroombah Creek where a series of selections were taken in the ranges to the west of Mount Tennent (circa 1909). In comparison with other areas of the Cuppacumba10ng run the de Salises seem to hav[...]stern edge (and thus farthermost from Queanbeyan) of their holdings to prevent hostile selection. Also, of all the runs, Naas had the least amount of flat and securing that may have been ofless impor[...]ley. CATCHMENT13:COOLEMO The 1848 description of Coolemon as "bounded on the north by lofty mounta[...]he plain and separate Coolemon from the catchment of Peppercorn creek. To the south the plain is bound[...]he north and north west. Immediately to the north of Howell's Peak is a saddle that separates "the Poc[...]2 from O'Rourke for £275. The official boundary of Coolemon run seems to be the boundaries ofthe Parishes of Coolemon and Murray. This includes land on Pepper[...]the 1848 Gazette the boundary was along the ridge of the Coolemon Range not on the creek. The answer, I think, is that the boundary of the run and of the parish was not surveyed until the 1880s when[...]he Coolemon Range. 188 Thomas Fishlock, one of de Salis' employees had lived on Coolemon[...] |
| [...]irty years and there were improvements consisting of "the old homestead" and stock yards on the run. T[...]the run until 1876 there are few official records of improvements on the run. A different map has[...]duced map obscured the portions with the contours of 189 the terrain. |
| [...]o have been supervising on Coolemon over a number of seasons. George's initial trip to Coolemon was m[...]t took about a day. When they got there the party of men set fire to the plains to promote fresh growt[...]to Coolemon. In 1875 they took their first flock of 10,670 sheep up. At Coolemon the flock was split[...]1876 the de Salises began fencing the boundaries of the run. This required negotiation with adjoining squatters, particularly McDonald of the Peppercorn run. Typically there was disagreement about some aspects of where the fence would run but as gentleman they r[...]n May. From 1878 the de Salises kept a small herd of cattle up on Coolemon which seems to have been lo[...]sheep and cattle, least for the owners and others of equivalent status. George records shooting and va[...]ations admired. In March 1878 George lead a party of visitors including his sister Nina and Emily and Mary Smith, daughters of the Rev Pierce Gulliard Smith, the Anglican vicar of Canberra. They visited Murray's Cave and a day la[...]Mary Smith. This seems to have come as something of a surprise to Mary who thought about it for five[...]about it. George de Salis, taking up a selection of 320 acres on Coolemon on the 16th November 1876,[...]at £70. These were Portions 1 & 2 in the Parish of Murray. 190 We know Fishlock was with the cattle[...]tion is vague. George in a letter to the Minister of Lands mentions that men and cattle have be[...] |
| [...]ring the following winter after that at intervals of two or three months occasionally staying there a week for muster. From the time of his marriage in March 1878 he never remained a si[...]in October 1882 but as there was over £40 worth of improvements on the land the Lands Departm[...] |
| [...]the environment and related to the establishment of a homestead. Tom Oldfield selected a 40-acre con[...]south and the other north. The Pockets were east of the Cooleman Plains but within the run boundaries. They were the first flat on a series of flats and plains west of the Bimberi range. Oldfield's selection made in D[...]as followed by an additional conditional purchase of 600 acres in February 1882. Surveyor Lester foun[...]d roughly the same improvements at £160 approval of the series was given in October 1887. Again the i[...]o facilities not to the landscape. The Treachery of the Campbells On the 22 nd January 1882 while re[...]ned that Frederick Campbell had taken a selection of 640 acres on Coolemon (de Salis diaries). This wa[...]and Archibald McDonald had taken four selections of 640 acres together on the 19th January 1887 on th[...]the same time (around 3pm) and all paid deposits of £ 160 as the selections were so large. Mc[...] |
| [...]nother squatters run- he has been told by several of the towns people that his action was mean and ben[...]is response was to act to secure the key portions of the runs. The next Lands Day was the 2nd February[...]the areas be reserved from selection "on account of the many natural curiosities" (de Salis diaries 25 th January 1882). The second of February was obviously going to be a day of great tension for the de Salises. It started with[...]had been reserved the previous day (R 658 County of Cowley, Parish of Coolemon Gazetted on the 1st February 1882). Geor[...]ge showed them "Papa's letter" (presumably notice of the Reserve in that area) so they abandoned the idea and gave George the notices and descriptions of the blocks they intended selecting (de Salis diar[...]applications for each block so that in the event of a dispute the<h would have a better chance in a b[...]selections were: 191 Although the reputations of the Campbells as gentlemen had been suspect since[...]oe there was an underlying motivation in this act of aggressive selection. After Frederick Campbell ac[...]in 1881, he began to fence in the estate and that of his father at Belconnen. The fencing cut the road[...]against George de Salis for trespass and damages of £1000. This was similar to the better known actions of Campbell and Guise against John Southwell and Wil[...]g the "gum tree war" resulting in the declaration of the Tharwa Reserve). 192 Oldfield selec[...] |
| [...]304 Thomas Oldfield 600 acres Parish of Coolemon Portion 8 the Pocket John Flanagan 320 acres Parish of Murray Portion 6 17 Flat William Harris 320 acres Parish of Murray Portion 1 The Plain Later Edward Gregory took 320 acres l93 at the Blue Waterhole, Parish of Murray, Portion 9 ((de Salis dairies 2nd February[...]glad that we have been able to save the best part of Coolemon" (de Salis dairies 2nd February 1882). I[...]well the de Salises had achieved the reservation of the Coolemon Caves - now part of the Kosciusko National Park. The land selected b[...]ll and his dummies were Portions 11, 12, 13 and14 of the Parish of Murray. Frederick Campbell's portion was voided i[...]conditional purchase on Cave Creek in the middle of Portion 13 on 2nd March 1882. This selection was no more than of nuisance value. No improvements were made and no[...]Later inspections indicated an increase in value of improvements to £228-again mainly fixtures such[...]n inspected in April 1885 and recorded a slab hut of two rooms with an iron roof valued at £30, 3 miles of 6-wire fence £180 sheep yards and stock y[...] |
| [...]305 total value of improvements was £360. The land was transferred[...]ut with iron roof valued at £20 and some 4 miles of wire fencing valued at £222. The hut was located on a track to Blue Water Holes and now goes by the name of Coolamine Homestead. Manton's inspection on the[...]he cp for three months after the expiration of the term required by the Act. The place has all the appearance of having been used as a bona fide home".[...]lected before him. 194 He therefore got a portion of 365 acres. When Manton inspected the portion in A[...]y comfortable slab hut with an iron roof, 5 acres of cultivation and 2.5 miles of 6-wire fence. Later on his second inspection in J[...]is' selection was thought to be immediately south of the 640 acres of Portion 13. |
| [...]306 These four selections created a run of four square miles on the northern part of the Coolemon Plains. The improvements were mainly fencing with two substantial houses being established. Of McDonald's on Portion 12 nothing remains but Coolamine on Portion 11 remained in use and is now part of Kosciusko National Park. 195 In comparison with t[...]ester on 6th December 1882 who noted improvements of hut £ 18 and yard £2. Flanagan was not there "b[...]with his wife and children through the snow of last winter, and when it melted he took her away to a station ofMr de Salis's (Naas) one of his children being ill- after that he went reaping and shearing for a length of time and is now engaged in splitting timber[...]resided in, but now it has the appearance of being deserted, selector not upon the land[...] |
| [...]by Joseph Fall who had selected Portion 5, Parish of Murray and Portion 1, Parish of Cooleman but was forfeited on the 3rd June 1891 for non-residence along with the rest of Fall's land. It was reserved from conditional purchase by R 14058 of 4/7/1891. It is not clear whether Edward Gregory[...]his brother John at Naas I think Edward was more of a "friendly selector" rather than a dummy. The description of the land was somewhat convoluted and vague, the C[...]ut by two large gullies and fronts the steep side of Cave Creek. The land as selected was in fact part of Reserve R658 of 1St February 1882 that was later cancelled on the 13 th March 1882 to be replaced by R 664 of 13 th March 1882. An area of 40 acres was excised and then later made availabl[...]ecessary improvements and requesting an extension of time. He was advised to await Manton's inspection[...]ecessary improvements and requesting an extension of time. He had apparently submitted his final decla[...]th Section on 14th May 1887, listing improvements of house, fencing and clearing valued at £14[...] |
| [...]ed man and was not residing upon the land at date of visit, the hut has the appearance of having occasionally used - Two bunks in the hut ([...]place very little used. By the general appearance of hut and surroundings I am led to believe that the[...]1887 the LLB held an inquiry into the conditions of residence and improvements on Gregory's condition[...]brother John). The LLB found that the conditions of residence had not been satisfactorily carried out[...]ft, the hut upon the selection has the appearance of being used as a home."[...] |
| [...]en. George de Salis applied for Portion 6, Parish of Murray as an additional conditional purchase and[...]e only improvements were fencing. The settlement of Coolemon run was really a result of the dispute between the de Salises and the Campbe[...]rowth for the newly shorn sheep to graze on. Most of the huts were abandoned or possibly moved to a ce[...]he husbanded the de Salis estate with assistance of his son George de Salis. The overall trend was fo[...]Salis flock and year long grazing for a small mob of cattle. The Naas runs were a logical expansion of the Cuppacumbalong Run and fitted into the existing patterns of movement through the landscape and the existing patterns of grazing. However the addition ofNaas changed the geographically central part of the run from Cuppacumbalong homestead to the area[...]diaries show that Naas in many ways was the focus of pastoral activity, with the homestead acting as a[...]iage). Cuppacumbalong was still the social centre of the run, convenient to the Cunninghams at Lanyon[...]eir loved ones. Creating the de Salis estate out of the runs necessarily involved working through the various Crown Lands Acts that controlled the alienation of Crown Land. I say through because, as shown, the de Salises did not exactly comply with the letter or spirit of the law, but the legislation did set the framework of domesticity that the de Salises had to 196 All t[...]Alps as the "Man from Snowy River" was something of a pyromaniac (Hancock 1972:143-147). |
| [...]ge reserve. Initial selections were in the north of the run in Catchments 1 to 3 and in Catchment 6.[...]the de Salises did not initiate the proclamation of water and other reserves to secure elements of the run from selection. By selected conditional p[...]ek) and to establish portions along the west bank of the Murrumbidgee to the north of Tharwa. Here they had to fend off the Oldfields w[...]nd when matters reached a point where a key piece of land was to be selected, it seems the de Salises[...]is act pales into insignificance with the reports of squatter hostility to selectors and wholesale cor[...]It seems that the de Salises employed a strategy of trying to come to terms with Joe Oldfield and wer[...]acumbalong to be used by him. From 1872 a series of selections were established mainly to secure land on the Naas Runs and the flats and hills to the west of the Murrumbidgee to the south of Tharwa. These series seem to have secured the imp[...]e Salises were surprised by the hostile selection of Frederick Campbell and his dummies that cut 4 square miles of flat from Coolemon. This was their biggest loss a[...]ce in the short term. 198 Still the major failure of the de Salises was to leave Coolemon unsecured. P[...]lis strategy to deal with selectors was a mixture of attempting to accommodate them or even assist the[...]se the size ofland selected by counter selections of key land or, in the case of Coolemon, using reserve creation to limit the possibilities for expansion of selected land. Accommodation seems to have been a[...]n ruinous selection wars. No doubt the assistance of selectors was seen by 198Of course in the long term Campbell got Cuppa[...] |
| [...]others) as being virtuous in his role as a member of the squattocracy and a gentleman, assisting the i[...]ld afford to be generous as they had secured many of the flats within their run, leaving selectors only small areas of first class land and allowing them to select larger areas of steeply sloping, poorly watered, second class land. For example in Catchment 9 on the east side of the Gudgenby and Naas Rivers selection by friendly selectors was encouraged. This took in small ares of flat and large areas of slopes. On the other side of these rivers where there were larger areas of flat to be selected the de Salises took up all th[...]eir limit, if not quite breaking the law. The use of dummies, false declarations of residence and general overclairning of the value of improvements certainly raise questions about hone[...]o evidence to show that Leopold de Salis, because of his position, had any greater influence in the La[...]t were moved from series to series as the demands of residence required. Most of the improvement was in the area of clearing; virtually all the portions were ring-ba[...]d. Fencing initially was tied in with the pattern of fencing over the whole run so a fence might run d[...]cing requirements, particularly after the passing of the 1884 Crown Lands Act, fencing began to follow the boundaries of selections or series of selections. The impact of the de Salises on the landscape was driven by the requirements of the Crown Land Acts as well as good management of their runs. The first selections made in the catc[...]en ring-barked and cleared to increase the extent of grass for the sheep. In the early 1870s selections were made around Naas, the western side of the Murrumbidgee (particularly in the hilly land to the west of the earlier selections) and in Spring Gully. In the early 1880s selections took up more of the hilly country particularly around Tharwa and west of the Murrumbidgee and west of the Gudgenby River. Although these areas are reco[...]on deteriorated, the de Salises undertook a burst of selection and obtained conditional leases on a lot of hilly country, presumably to add to the assets they could mortgage. Overall the key aspects of the de Salis husbandry is the interaction of the Crown Land Acts and their administration with the environment. The concern of the Lands Department and the Crown Land re[...] |
| [...]hen in the late 1870s and 1880s they secured some of the hilly land as selections, as well as allowing[...]rtainly there would have been many more skeletons of ring-barked trees (these were noted as a common f[...]y Griffith Taylor in 1910 (Taylor 1910). The area of grassland along the margins of the flats was created as the land was taken up an[...]evidently more regeneration. There is no evidence of the early fences of the 1860s as all the fences encountered were orie[...]points. There has been an increase in the density of settlement with the Cuppacumbalong run being spli[...]there are more fences. However the broad picture of grassy flats with grassy hills rolling into dense[...]ofCuppacumbalong and Coolemon and the bankruptcy of the de Salises in the context of the tough economic conditions of the 1890s is important for the overall assessment of their success in husbanding the run. Like Wright[...]bad judgements but the bankruptcy came at the end of his long and fruitful life when his children were married and were well established, capable of making their own way in life. Leopold de Salis ha[...]ot an inconsiderable achievement. The husbanding of the de Salis estate from 1855 to 1892 demonstrate[...]actors that ultimately contribute to the creation of a squatting landscape. Underpinning the process was the notion of respectability as expressed through domesticity.[...]Australia would be advantaged by the development of a class of respectable yeoman farmers. This lead to b[...] |
| [...]314 CHAPTER 9: CO CLUSIO -THE LAND OF THE GOLDE FLEECE |
| [...]1826, James Atkinson could consider the interior of ew South Wales (South- Eastern Australia) as empt[...]int and supported by Government. As a consequence of this process, the landscape was irreversibly changed to an ordered and "owned" place with the accoutrements of settlement; fences houses, woolsheds, yards, dams[...]ous rabbit. Land ofthe Golden Fleece (1926), one of the last of Arthur Streeton's paintings, celebrates this cha[...]ura Run in Western Victoria against the backdrop of the Grampian Ranges. This marvellous image of the "natural" landscape shows heep, a dam and r[...]es but in such a way that they are naturally part of the land cape, their position unquestioned and c[...]magic. The sheep are in harmony with the massive of Mount William and the Grampians behind them. Streeton was the most prorrunent of the HeIdelberg school of plam au pamters the fust school of 199 Australian painters (excludmg Abongina[...] |
| [...]316 This was the predominant view of Australian history at the time. Australia - the Land of the Goldern Fleece, where squatting and the wool[...]d by historians pointing out the hegamonic nature of squatting, the removal of the Aboriginies and the negative environmental impact of squatting. In a ense the "Whig view" was challang[...]this transformation from "empty land" to the Land of the Golden Fleece was more than a few men of "great force and endurance" setting out and establishing a new country. Neither was it a case of "environmental vandals" recklessly displacing the Aborigines and despoiling the land. The process of creating the squatting landscape was more complex[...]ng at a national level being applied at the level of the individual squatter and squatting run to prod[...]llenged the established views. Using the concept of cultural landscape applied to historical archaeol[...]not totalise history but allows the understanding of how the processes worked on an individual run or landscape. Using specific case studies of Lanyon and Cuppacumbalong, the interaction of the broad scale processes with local environments and individual squatters, the production of individual squatting landscapes has been examined[...]earch themes were used to organise the discussion of squatting landscapes and these are addressed belo[...]cess for initiating squatting was the development of the wool industry and the need for large areas of cheap land on which to graze sheep. Squatting was created by the refusal of the Colonial government to allow expansion beyond the limits of location. The squatters ignored such a prohibitio[...]try to make their fortune. The pioneering phase of squatting, that is the taking up and establishing of new squatting runs occurred over a long period of time, from the early 1820s when squatters moved beyond the limits of location, to the 1860s when the last squatting runs west of the Darling River were established. In that period of some 40 years, the method of pioneering seems unchanged. Small parties of explorers, either official parties or unofficial parties of squatters scouted the country looking for suitable areas for runs. Settlement followed by a process of leap-frogging beyond existing runs and then in-filling the gaps. By the 1840s when the process of squatting was formalised in legislation the period following the process of taking up runs was often followed by Government S[...]to runs which were put up for tender. Two phases of squatting pioneering have been identified. The fi[...]til the mid 1830s when squatters reached the edge of the arid country which formed much of Western NSW. Prior to reaching this countr[...] |
| [...]nto (and which were probably partially the result of Aboriginal burning practices) were readily adapta[...]t where there was less grass, less water and lots of saltbush squatting settlement had to take account of these limitations. From the mid-1830s squatters gradually moved into the west taking up runs on frontages of water courses and other water bodies but leaving gaps of unsettled or lightly occupied land on the treeless plains. Gradually a method of holding these lands was developed where dams, tan[...]as improvement purchases. This allowed settlement of the Western Plains ofNSW which occurred from the[...]run to have established a head station consisting of crude huts or tents and for the sheep flocks (of 500 to 1000 sheep) to be located in outstations across the landscape area. The boundaries of runs were established on natural features or mark[...]nment was readily adapted to grazing. Small areas of cultivation were established adjacent to the head[...]ide some vegetables to add to the relentless diet of meat. While the process of pioneering settlement across South-Eastern Australia took place over a period of some 40 years, the period of pioneering on each run seems to have been compara[...]d writing as well as the more sporting activities of squatting such as chasing stock and shooting things. This period of construction marks the end of the pioneering phases on a squatting run. Typically this occurs much earlier than the usually given date of 1848 when squatters were given security of tenure. Lanyon presents an interesting case study in squatting, being a mixture of grazing on freehold land and squatting. James Wri[...]ve been attracted to sheep farming by the reports of the profits to be made. Wright at least seems to[...]a run his brother William came out with the bulk of the capital. Neither Wright or Lanyon could be co[...]ies lay in this mixture ofland tenure as the cost of purchasing the freehold estate imposed a debt on[...]squatting mixture was reflected in the operations of Lanyon, which was run as a mixture of sheep grazing and intensive agriculture and dairy[...]activities were located close to the head station of Lanyon. Sheep flocks were dispersed across the la[...]landscape only around the head station. There was of |
| [...]the landscape had become "owned". It was the task of the respectable squatter to take this owned waste land and improve it for the betterment of his family and the common good. From squatter to squattocracy The process of moving from being a squatter to the squattocracy was one of asserting ones right to be considered respectable[...]rence to contemporary standards such as the "cult of domesticity" as expressed through their actions, appearance, and the husbandry of their property. The rapid construction of comfortable houses, equipped with at least the trappings of domesticity, the development of landscaped gardens, the separation from the worke[...]ing sheds) after a run was established was a sign of the respectable squatters. Furthermore, the act of establishing a squatting run was seen as being vi[...]or both the squatter and the colony. The process of asserting their respectability separated the squa[...]by Governor Bourke who argued for the sanctioning of squatting. It also allowed the squatters to make[...]Governor Gipps' plans for more formal regulation of squatting. At Lanyon, James Wright was keen to assert his social position. As part of constructing the Lanyon estate he moved to displa[...]vidence relating to the buildings at Lanyon, none of the extant buildings can be convincingly argued to be from the Wright era so that Wright's expression of his social position mainly has to be read through[...]rather than, as was hoped, through a combination of documentary and archaeological evidence. The Inquiry into the Administration of Justice at Queanbeyan reveals Wright as a person[...]aking a socially disgusting and improper practice of inspecting a convicts back after flogging. Wright is shown by this incident to be a person of obvious social status (other wise he would not have been a Justice of the Peace) but whose respectability might be seen[...]Wright's bankruptcy inventory lists various items of material culture that show Wright as being of genteel respectability and certainly maintaining appearances even at the edge of the limits of location. The analysis of the Wright era at Lanyon showed an ambiguity in Wright's performance of his social position as a J.P. and in his husbanding of Lanyon.. Although he did go bankrupt he wa[...] |
| [...]Apart from the roads issue, de Salis' husbanding of the run shows that he was able to resolve most di[...]the Land Acts and build up a considerable estate of freehold land. Ultimately the environment brough[...]gued that selectors and squatters shared concepts of domesticity and that many squatters share the aims of selectors in establishing homes for their familie[...]as obviously considerable hostility. In the case of the de Salis' at Cuppacumbalong a variety of responses to selection can be seen. In the case of hostile selectors, the de Salis' moved to block s[...]bly using their influence to obtain the selection of an important area of land. They aimed to quarantine selection in particular areas of Cuppacumbalong and later Coolemon. This was done by combining the use of the Lands Acts and a shrewd evaluation of the economic potential ofthe landscape. These ski[...]the de Salis' to secure the most important areas of Cuppacumbalong - the flats. The de Salis strategy[...]ummies to select in their interest and the making of false declarations as to residence. Having secure[...]ployees, to select on Cuppacumbalong. One aspect of the Lands Acts not discussed by the historians ha[...]ional purchase. In the de Salis case the majority of these improvements were in the nature ofri[...] |
| [...]trong views about. It is possible, in the ab ence of the legal requirement to improve, that Leopold would have ring-barked much of Cuppacumbalong out of conviction of its positive effects. However given the requireme[...]the Lands Acts ring-barking was used to open much of the land, promote grass coverage and fulfil the requirement to improve. It has been hown that the impact of these improvements in individual catchments is related to the nature of selection. Thus, the impact on the landscape of squatting and of selection is not universal but variable depending[...]was husbanded. More research into the mechanics of selection across NSW and Victoria will help provide a better picture of selection and the squatter/selector relationship[...]As this study has demonstrated there is a wealth of detail in the conditional purchase files and in t[...]ies have been undertaken then the overall picture of the nature and effects of selecting in South-Eastern Australia will become[...]LUSIO The squatting landscape is a rich texture of historical processes, individual responses, and t[...]tself. As a whole, squatting is an important part of Australia's history, historically it has been rep[...]is thesis has struggled to go beneath the surface of these historical views and bring out both the ind[...]ng the landscape more interesting for the stories of Wright and the de Salis family. The result has be[...]and subtle and adds richness to our understanding of how Australia's landscape was created. |
| [...]Bolwarra, 1801-1983, B.Sc. (Arch.) Thesis, University of Sydney. Abbott, G. 1971, The Pastoral age: A re-examination, Macmillan of Australia Melbourne. Altick, R. 1973, Victorian People and Ideas: A companionfor the modern reader of Victorian Literature, W.W. Norton, New Yo[...]ush, 5:19-30. Atkinson, A. 1979B, 'Four Patterns of Convict Protest', Labour History:37:28-51. Atkin[...]uth Wales [1826] facsimile edition, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Bahn, P. 1992 The Collins Dicti[...]gton to Goonoo Goonoo: The historical archaeology of the Australian Agricultural Company[...] |
| [...]Methods in Historical Geography, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 233-243. Baker,_ A. R H. 1[...]meanings ofsome places in the past, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.l-14. Baker, A. R. H[...]rations in Historical Geography, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Baker, D. 1964, 'The Origins of Robertson's Land Acts', in Eastwood, 1. and Smith[...]udies Selected Articles (first series), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.l 03-126. Barker, G.[...]History in the Biferno Valley, Leicester University Press, London. Barnard, A. 1958, The Australian Wool Market 1840-1900, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Barnard, A. (ed.) 1962,[...]in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Bassett, M. 1962, The Hentys: an Australian Colonial Tapestry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Beaudry, M., Cook, L.[...]kwell Ltd., Oxford. Beever, E. 1965, 'The origin of the wool industry in N.S.W.', Business, Ar[...] |
| [...]1832,1833, & 1834, [1834] Libraries Board of South Australia, Adelaide. Beresford, M. 1984, Time and Place: Collected E[...]ape - Past, Present and Future, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Billis, R. and Kenyon, A. 1974[...]: A history ofAustralian mining, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Blair, S. and Claoue-Long, A.[...]conserving and interpreting the evidence of the convict era in the contemporary landscape at[...]Blair, S. and Claoue-Long A. 1993b, 'A landscape of captive labour: evidence of the convict era in Lanyon', Public Histor[...]y and Suppression in Australia: 1887-1897, Oxford University Press, Oxford. |
| [...]New York. Briggs, A. 1988, Victorian things, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Broadbent, 1. 1976, 'Early Sydney houses, examples of pattern-book architecture', Art in Australi[...]74, Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law: Third Progress Report and Minutes of Evidence, V & P L.A. 1873-74, Vol3, Govern[...]siness in the Nineteenth Century, Melboume University Press, Melbourne. Brown, P. L. 1935, The Narrative ofGeorge Russell ofGolfHill, Oxford University Press, London. Brown, P. L. 1952, Clyde Company Papers II, 1836-40, Oxford University Press, London. Brown P. L. 1987, The Chall[...]by Duncan Elphinstone Cooper, ational Library of Australia, Canberra. Bruck, J. 1998, 'In the footsteps of the ancestors: a review of Christopher Tilley's A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places Paths and Monuments', Archaeolo[...]fNature: Studies ofthe Cultural Landscape, University of London Press, London. |
| [...]326 Buckley, K. 1955, 'Gipps and the Graziers of New outh Wales 1841-46, (part 1)' Hi torica[...]:178-193. Burbridge, N. and Grat, M. 1970, Flora of the Australian Capital Territory, Australian National University Press, Canberra. Butlin, N. 1950, 'Company Owner[...]es, 4(14):89-111. Budin, N. 1962a, 'Distribution of the Sheep Population: preliminary statistical pic[...]in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.281-307. Budin, N. 1962b, 'The Growth of Rural Capital, 1860-1890', in Barnard, A. 1962, T[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.322-339. Budin, N. 1[...]al economy: Australia 1810-1850, Cambridge University Press, Melbourne. Budin, N. and Barnard, A. 1962[...]in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.383-400. Budin, N., Cromwel[...]eer Plains and Tatala, Australian National University Press Canberra. Butlin, R 1993, Historical Geo[...]ralian Monetary System, 1788-1851, Sydney University Press Sydney. Buxton, G. 1967, The Riverina, 1861-1891, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Cain, N. 1962, 'Companies and[...]in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press Melbourne, pp.435-456. |
| [...]urne. Cambage, R. 1918,' ote on the Native Flora of New outh Wales, Part X The Federal Capital Territory', Proceedings of the Linean Society of New South Wales, 43:673-711. Campbell, 1.[...]ape: A lower Lachlan Survey, M.Phil Thesis, University of Sydney, Sydney. Cannon, M. and MacFarlane, I. 19[...]istorical Records ofVictoria: Volume 6, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Carroll,1. 1989, Harpoons to Harvest: The Story ofCharles and John Mills, Pioneers of Port Fairy, WIAE Press, Warrnarnbool. Ca[...]s Spanish Flock: Sir Joseph Banks and the Merinos of George III ofEngland, Angus and Robertson[...]& Co., London. Christian, C. 1958, 'The Concept of Land Units and Land Systems', Proceedings of the Ninth Pacific Science Congress, 20:74[...]Aborigines in Colonial Victoria 1835-1886, ydney University Press, Sydney. |
| [...]nd Variability: A Southern Per pective, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.97-108. Clark, A H.[...]and by People, Plants and Animals, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick. Clark, A H. 1954, 'Histori[...]rican Geography: Inventory and Prospect, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, pp.70-105. Clark, C. H.[...]ralian Civilisation, 1824-1851, Melbourne University Press. Clark, C. H. M. 1978, A History ofAustra[...]arth Abidethfor Ever, 1851-1888, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Clark, 1. G. D. 1933 'Review: The personality of Britain by Cyril Fox', Antiquity 7:232-4.[...]ater and Settlement: The Archaeological Landscape of Saumarez Station', Armidale and District Hi[...]lecting or Increasing Understanding?: The Dilemma of Historical Archaeology', Australian Histori[...]Winterbourne: A Study in Historical Archaeology, University of New England, Arrnidale. Connell, R. and Ir[...]al Writing on the American and Canadian Past, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp.3-90. |
| [...]ve, D. 1978, 'Place, Landscape and the dialectics of Cultural Geography', Canadian Geo~apher, 121 :66-72. Cosgrove, D. 1982, 'The myth and the stones of Venice: an historical geography of a symbolic landscape', Journal ofHistorical[...]resentation in Sixteenth Century Italy, Leicester University Press Leicester. Cosgrove, D. and Daniels, S. 19[...]ormance in Venice and its region' , Journal of Geo~aphy in Higher Education, 132: 169-183. Costin, A. 1954, A Study of the Ecosystems of the Monaro Region of New South Wales, Government Printer, Sydn[...]l knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe. Crumley, C. 1[...]l knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp.I-16. |
| [...]hell: Surveyor General and Explorer, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Darby, H. C. 1931, The Historical Geography ofEngland before A.D. 1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darby, H. C. 1951, 'The Changi[...]. C. 1956, The Draining ofthe Fens, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darby, H. C. 1957, 'The Relations of Geography and History', in Taylor, G. 1957,[...]652. Darby, H. C. 1960,' An Historical Geography of England: Twenty years after' , Geographical Journal, 1262:147-159. Darby, H. C. 1962, 'The Problem of Geographical Description' Transactions ofthe[...], A New Historical Geography ofEngland, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darby, H. C. 1974,[...]Ltd., London. Davidoff, L. 1979, 'The Separation of Home and Work? Landladies and Lodgers in ni[...]Davidoff, L. and Hall, C. 1983, 'The Architecture of Public and Private Life: English Mid[...] |
| [...]ndon. Davidson, B. 1974, 'The Economic Structure of Australian Fanus', in Powell, 1. 1974, The[...]Manual, Occasional Paper No 13, Department of Lands, Parks and Wildlife, Hobart. Davis-Wright, W. 1977, Canberra, (facsimile edition of 1923 work), Library of Australian History, North Sydney. Demeritt, D. 1994, 'The nature of metaphors in cultural geography and environmental[...]Power and Theatre on the Bounty, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. De Certeau, 1984, The Practice of Everyday Life, University of California Press, Berkeley, de Salis, W. 1960, S[...]n Melbourne before the Gold Rushes, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. de Serville, P. 1991, Pounds a[...]Upper Class in Victoria 1850-1880, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Dickinson, R. 1939, 'Landscape[...]l History: Essays and Case Studies, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Duncan, 1. 1980, 'The superorg[...]pretation in the Kandyan Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. |
| [...]at-Growing Industry, J 788- J948, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Dyster, B. 1965, 'Support for[...]607. Earle, C. 1992, 'Introduction: The practice of geographical history', in Earle, C. 1992,[...]nquiry and American Historical Problems, Stafford University Press, Stafford, pp.I-23. Evans, W. 1987, Hydrogeology of the Australian Capital Territory and Environs,Bureau of Mineral Resources, Geology and Geophysics[...]1996, 'Living and Working on Gostwyck in the days of the open range', Armidale and District His[...]9: 123-134. Ferry, 1. 1999, Colonial Armidale University of Queensland Press, Brisbane. Fitzpatrick, B. 1941[...]leming, A. 1999, 'Phenomenology and the megaliths of Wales: a dreaming too far?', Oxford[...] |
| [...]grazing in New outh Wales before 1821, ydney University Press, ydney. Fletcher, B. 1989 'Governor Bourke[...]1820-1911 Heraldry and Genealogy Society of Canberra. Fogarty,1. 1968, 'The N.S.W. Pastoral[...]in Australia: Review ofRecordsfrom Earliest Years of Settlement to 1955, Bureau of Meteorology, Bulletin No 43, Bureau of Meteorology, Melbourne. Foote, K., Hugil[...]h, 1. 1994, Re-reading Cultural Geography, University of Texas Press, Austin. Forde, D. 1939, 'Human Geog[...]The Pastoral Expansion and the Initial Occupation of "Australia Felix" ',Journal ofthe Royal A[...]ory note on the Neolithic Age Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Freeman, P. 1980, The Woolshed: A RiverinaAnthology, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Freeman, P. 1982 The Homestead: A Riverina Anthology, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. French, M. 1994, Travell[...]mpressions ofthe Darling Downs, 1827-1954, University of Southem Queensland Press. |
| [...]their Sheep, 1788-1850, Australian National University Press, Canberra. Gascoigne, J. 1994, Joseph Bank[...]ul Knowledge and Polite Culture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gell, P. and Stuart, I. M. 198[...]ctoria". Monash Publications in Geography, Monash University, Melbourne. Gell, P., Stuart, I. M., Smith, D.J. 1993, 'The response of vegetation to changing fire regimes and h[...]structural analysis ofhistoric artefacts, University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Gollan, R. 1960, Rad[...]ofEastern Australia, 1850-1910, Melbourne University Press Melbourne. Goodman, D. 1994, Gold Seeking:[...]e, A. 1987, "Geography and archaeology the growth of a relationship", in Wagstaff, J. ed[...] |
| [...]335 Guelke, L. 1971 'Problems of Scientific Explanation in Geography' Canadian[...]ervice, Melbourne. Gunn, S. 1988, 'The "failure" of the Victorian Middle Class: a critique,' in Wolff[...]ineteenth century middle class, Manchester University Press, pp.17-43. Haggett, P. 1965, Location[...]London. Hall, C. 1979, 'The early formation of Victorian Domestic Ideology', in Burman, S.[...]fMan's Impact on his Environment, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hanson, W. 1889, The Pastoral[...]t in the light ofthe past, The Association of American Geographers. Hartwell, R. M. 1954, The[...]t ofvan Diemen's Land 1820-1850, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Hartwell, R. M. 1973,'A revolution in the character and density of British wool', in Harte, N. and Ponting, K[...]honour ofMiss Julia de Lacy Mann, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp.320-338. |
| [...]336 Harvey, D. 1967, 'Models of the Evolution of Spatial Patterns in Human Geography', in C[...]ettlement in Semi-Arid Australia, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Henderson, G. 1981, Geology of[...]otham, E. 1993, 'The 1828 census and the analysis of rural settlement in New South Wales', Aust[...]ademy Major Research Project in the Early History of Agriculture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.27-36. Hirst,1. 1987, Convi[...]1979, Spatial Analysis in Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hodder, I. 1987 "Converg[...]n. Houghton, W. 1957, The Victorian Frame of Mind, 1830-1870, Yale University Press, New Haven. Ingerson, A. 1994, 'Trac[...]ultural knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp.43-6[...]ctionary ofBiography (1851-1890), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Jackson, P. 1989, Maps[...] |
| [...]ucation, Sydney. Jeans, D. N. 1975, 'The Impress of Central Authority upon the Landscape: South-easte[...]stralian Time: Geographical perspective's, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, pp.l-17. Jeans, D. N.[...]1980 The Open Air Museum: The Cultural Landscape of New South Wales, George Allen Unwin, Sydney. Jervis,1. 1956, 'The Exploration and Settlement of the Western Plains, Part 1', Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society,[...]Jervis, J. 1956, 'The Exploration and Settlement of the Western Plains, Part 2' , Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society,[...]arr, C. 1974, 'Mythology vrs Reality: The Success of Free Selection in New South Wales', Journ[...]1997, The Rocks. Life in early Sydney, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Keller, 1. and Keller,[...]ational Register Bulletin No. 18, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. Kellett,1. 1981, Hydrological investigations of two basins at Lanyon, ACT, Bureau of Mineral Resources, Geology and Geophysics Record 1981/61, Bureau of Mineral Resources, Canberra. |
| [...]Patterns: Essays in Landscape Archaeology, University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville. Ker, J. 1960, 'Mercha[...]District ofVictoria 1834-1890, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Kniffen, F. 1962,'Louisiana Ho[...]1962, Readings in Cultural Geography, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp.157-169. Kniff[...]pp.237-250. Kobayashi, A. 1989,'A critique of dialectical landscape', in Kobayashi, A. and[...]ier settlement in Victoria 1915-38, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Lane, T. and Serle, J. 1990, A[...]Domestic Interiors from 1788 to 1914, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Langford-Smith, T. 1968[...] |
| [...]ation Analysis, policy and plan, Department of Territories, Canberra. Leighly,1. 1963, Land and[...]ion from the writings o/Carl Ortwin Sauer, University of California Press, Berkeley. Leone, M. P. 1982, '[...]y landscape architecture in the Chesapeake region of Maryland', in Kent, S. 1987, Method and Theory for activity area research, Columbia University Press, New York, pp.604-633. Leone, M. P. 1988, 'The Georgian order as the Order of Mercantile Capitalism in Annapolis, Maryland', in Leone, M. and Potter, P. 1988, The Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eas[...]Patterns: Essays in Landscape Archaeology, University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, pp.153-167. Leone, M. P. Hurry, S. 1998, 'Seeing: The Power of Town Planning in the Chesapeake', Historic[...]ry Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.ll-32. Lewis P. 1983, 'Learn[...]ofthe Land Law: Third Progress Report and Minutes of Evidence,V & P L.A. 1873-74, Vol 3[...] |
| [...]340 Llobera, M. 1966 'Exploring the topography of the mind: GIS, social space and archaeolog[...]vernment in New South Wales, 1856-1889, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Ludwig, 1. and Tongway,[...]ng, Collingwood. Lukennann, F. 1989, 'The Nature of Geography: Post Hoc, Ergo Propter Hoc', in Entrik[...]9, Reflections on Richard Hartshorne's The Nature of Geography, Occasional publications of the Association of American Geographers, Association of American Geographers, Washington, pp.53-68. Lunt, J.D. 1991 'Management of remnant lowland grasslands and grassy woodlands f[...]A. 1962 'Pastoralists in the Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, 1870-1890', in Barnard,[...]n the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.577-591. Martin, G. 1989, 'The Nature of Geography and the Schaefer-Hartshorne Debate', in[...]ture ofGeography, Occasional publications of the Association of American Geographers, Association of American Geographers, Washington, pp.69-90[...] |
| [...]341 McAlpine, 1. and Yapp G. 1969 'Climate of the Queanbeyan-Shoalhaven area', in Gunn, R[...]change in honour and memory ofAndrew Hill Clark, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, pp.3-26. Meinig,[...]ry Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York. Meinig, D. 1979, 'Introduction'[...]ry Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.1-7. Meinig, D. 1979, 'The Beholding Eye: Ten versions of the same scene', in Meinig, D. 1979, The I[...]ry Landscapes: Geographical Essays, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.33-48. Meinig, D. 1979, 'Rea[...]ary Landscapes: Geographical Essays Oxford University Press, ew York, pp.l95-244. Melnick, R 19[...] |
| [...]342 Mikesell, M. 1976, 'The Rise and Decline of" equent Occupance' a chapter in the History of American Geography' in Lowenthal, D. and Bowen, M[...]y in honour ofJohn Kirtland Wright, Oxford University Press, New York, pp.149-169. Mikesell, M. 1994,'[...]h, J. 1994, Re-reading Cultural Geography, University of Texas Press, Austin, pp.437·444. Milliss R. 1994, Waterloo Creek: the Australia Day massacre of1838, George Gipps and the British conquest ofNew South Wales, University ofNew South Wales Press, Sydney. Mills,[...]h thing as culture: towards a reconceptualization of the idea of culture in geography', Transactions ofthe Institu[...]102-116. Morris, A. and Ranken, G. 1883, 'Report of Inquiry into the State ofthe Public Lands and the operation of the Land Laws', Votes and Proceedings ofthe Legis[...]s, C. 1995, 'The information exchange, the role of Loudon and others' in n.s. 1995, From W[...]Canberra. Murray, T. 1988, 'Beyond the ramparts of the Unknown: The Historical Archaeology of the Van Diemen's Company', in Birmingham, J[...]tionary ofBiography Vol 6, (1851-1890), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.38-46. National Cli[...]Book- Australia, No 71, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra. |
| [...]er Vertag, New York. ewman, C. 1961, The Spirit of Wharf House: Campbell enterprise from Calcutta to[...]aspects ofthe Southern Oscillation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.l51-173. Norton, B. 1971, 'Grasslands of the New England Tableland in the nineteenth centu[...]874, Select Committee on the Administration of the Land Law: Third Progress Report and Minutes of Evidence, V & P L.A. 1873-74, Vol 3, Govemm[...]pp.l6-22. Park, G. 1995, Nga Uruora (the groves of life): Ecology and history in a New Zealand landscape, Victoria University Press, Wellington. Pearson, M. 1994, 'The Excavation of the Mount Wood Woolscour, Tibooburra, New[...]y in the Port Phillip Region 1835-1880, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Peel, L. 1996, The Hen[...]t in New South Wales 1788-1829, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Powell, J. 1967, 'The S[...] |
| [...]th !pecial reference to the Western plains Oxford University Press Melbourne. Powell, 1. 1973, Yeomen[...]ian Crown Lands Commission 1878-79, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Powell, J. 1974, 'The Squatting Occupation of Victoria, 1834-60', in Powell, 1. 1974, Th[...]an Time: Geographical Perspectives, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, pp. I8-60. Powell, 1. 1996, 'H[...]. Price, M. and Lewis, M. 1993, 'The Reinvention of Cultural Geography', Annals ofthe Associa[...]3:1-86. Prosser, I. 1991, 'A comparison of past and present episodes of gully erosion at Wangrah Creek, Southern[...]in Headwater Catchments, South-Eastern Highlands of Australia', Earth Processes and La[...] |
| [...]nstitutional creativity, 1788-1860, Oxford University Press, Australia, Melbourne. Rapoport, A. 1972,[...]e methods, geographical imagination and the study of landscapes', in Kobayashi, A. and Mackenzi[...]n, Boston, pp.149-163. Renfrew, C. 1969, 'Review of "Locational Analysis in Human Geography" by P.[...]43:74-75. Richards, 1. 1987, '''Passing the love of women": manly love and Victorian Society', in[...]tudies in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.3-14. Roberts, S. 19[...]e Squatting Age in Australia 1835-1847, Melbourne University Press, [1935] Melbourne. |
| [...]ort from the Select Committee on the State of Agriculture with minutes of evidence, Government Printer, Sydney, pp.1[...]New South Wales Wheat Frontier, 1851-1911, Dept. of Human Geography, RSPacS, AND, Canberra. R[...]Landfrom the earliest times to 1859, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Roe, M. 1965, Questfor Authority in Eastern Australia, 1835-1851, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Rolls, E. 1984, A Million Wild[...]use, I. 1968, 'Prehistory, Typology and the study of society', in Chang, K. 1968, Settlement Ar[...]says in honour ofFML. Thompson, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp.90-118. Russell, 1. 1988,[...]ices, Environmental Studies, Occasional Paper 22, University of Tasmania, Hobart. Russell, N. 1986, Like[...]eeding in early modern England, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Russell, P. 1994, A Wish ofDis[...]onial Gentility and Femininity, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Ryder, M. 1983, Sheep and M[...]Census ofNew South Wales, November 1828, Library of Australian History, Sydney. Sales[...] |
| [...]347 amuels, M. 1979, 'The biography of landscape: cause and culpability', in Meinig, D.[...]nary Landscape: Geographical E say , Oxford University Press ew York pp.51-88. Sauer, C. 1925, 'The Morphology of Landscape', University o/California Publications in Geography, 2[...]selection from the writings o/Carl Ortwin Sauer, University ofCalifomia Press, Berkeley, pp.351-379.[...]Press, London. Scott, E.A. 1927, A Short History of Australia, 5th edition., Oxford University Press, London [1912]. Searle, G. 1963, T[...]e Colony ofVictoria, 1851-1861, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Seddon, G. 1970, Swan River Landscapes, University of Westem Australia Press, Nedlands. Seddon,[...]lip: Victoria be/ore Separation, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Shaw, A. G. L. 1971, Convic[...]ourne. Shaw, M. 1987, Yancannia Creek, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Sigsworth, E. 1988, In Search[...]nth-Century thought and society, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Sleeman,1. and Walker,[...] |
| [...]ory and Conservative Idealism in the Nature of Geography', in Entrikin 1. and Brunn S. 1989 Refl[...]s The Nature o/Geography, Occasional publications of the Association of American Geographers, Association of American Geographers, Washington, pp.91-120[...]69-1846: a study in colonial trade, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Stieglitz, K. 1964, Emma von S[...]1. 1984, An open elite? England 1540-1880, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Struve,1. and Parsons, R.[...]Territory at Canberra, Commonwealth Bureau of Meteorology, Bulletin No 6, Government Printer,[...]assess cultural significance and the presentation of conservation management guidelines[...] |
| [...]349 Heritage Values, Masters of Landscape Architecture Thesis, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, pp.I-96. Taylor,[...]Landscapes: Meanings and Heritage Values, Masters of Landscape Architecture Thesis, University of Melbourne, Melbourne. Taylor, K and Truscott, M. 1989, 'Conservation and Interpretation study of the rural Heritage Landscape of the Lanyon-Lambrigg Area, ACT.', Historic Environ[...]eneurs, Essays for Sir John Habakkuk, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp.139-170. Tilley, C. 1989, 'Exc[...]Y. 1971,'Geography, Phenomenology, and the study of Human nature', Canadian Geographer, 153: 1[...]literature and religious thought Cambridge University Press Cambridge. Vickery A. 1993, 'Golden Age to Separate Spheres? a review of the categories and chronology of English Women's history', The Historical J[...] |
| [...]70, 'Prehistoric Economy in the Mount Cannel area of Palestine: Site Catchment Analysis', Proce[...]ell, M. 1962, Readings in Cultural Geography, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Wagstaff, J. 1987,[...]on. Walker, P. 1978, Soil-Landscape Associations of the Canberra Area, Division of Soils Report No. 29, C.S.I.R.O., Canberra.[...]lands ofNew South Wales, 1818-1900, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Walvin, J. 1987, Victorian values[...]Macarthur Colonial Conservative 1798-1867, Sydney University Press, Sydney. Ward, R. 1966, The Australian Legend, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Watson, J. 1957, 'The Sociological Aspects of Geography' , in Taylor G. 1957, Geography i[...]s Study, Unpublished report to the National Trust of Australia (Victoria). Whittlesey, D. 1929[...]tlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru, Bureau of American ethnology, Bulletin 155, S[...] |
| [...]andscape, London. Williams, M. 1983,' "The apple of my eye": Carl Sauer and historical geography' Jou[...]l Geography and the concept oflandscape', Journal of Historical Geography, 151 :92-104. Willia[...]in the Australian Wool Industry, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, pp.411-434. Willingham, A. 1984, 'Early European Settlement of the Plains: Architectural Traditions in We[...]l and Social History, Australian Institute of Agricultural Science, Melbourne, pp.63-90. Wilson, G. 1968, Murray ofYarralumia, Oxford University Press Melbourne. Winston-Gregson, 1. 1979a, Lany[...]Field Survey, Unpublished Report the Dept. of Territories., Canberra. Winston-Gregson,1. 1987,[...]on,1. 1994, 'People in the Landscape: A Biography of Two Villages', Australian Historica[...] |
| [...]knowledge and changing landscapes, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp.17-41. Wri[...]ublic interest in Victoria 1836-84, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Woodhouse, M. 1993, 'Elements of a Pastoral Landscape: Holowiliena, South Australi[...]rpreting the American Historical Landscape, University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Yarrwood, A. 1977, Samuel Marsden: the Great Survivor, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Young, L.E. 1997, The St[...]al Australia. Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, Flinders University CRIPT SOURCE This thesis contains a large number of references to archival sources, notably the Condi[...]general series is cited below. National Library of Australia George de Salis Diaries and notebooks[...]epasturing Licences. Colonial Secretary, Register of Applications from individuals for Depasturing Lic[...]beyan -Sydney State Records X950 Reel 2223 Bench of Magistrates: Deposition Book Queanbeyan Be[...] |
| [...]were lithographed and published. The lithographs of the current editions of County and Parish Maps available for sale at the[...]ervation and Lands Management). Current editions of lithographs of each Parish or County were placed into use in the[...]by the Lands Department for record purposed. Most of the charting copies of the County and Parish plans are held in State Records. During the course of this, project State Records and the former Lands Department began to copy the plans with the aim of producing a CD or Internet site of plans. Plans of the County of Cowley, and the Parishes of Boorombah, Congwarra, Coolemon, Cuppacurnbalong,[...]State Records were used in this thesis. The plans of the Parish ofNaas was located in the Goulburn Office of CALM who kindly allowed me to make copies[...] |
| [...]5 I TRODUCTIO The Appendix is the first part of the review of the cultural landscape idea. It covers the emergence of the concept and its use in the area of historical or cultural geography. It has been included in the thesis more for the sake of completeness so that the concepts discussed in Ch[...]life randomly but are seen to have a deep history of their own. It is also necessary to emphasise that this review focuses on the use of the cultural landscape concept by geography, as t[...]found the concept. However, there are other users of the concept notably in the area of landscape architecture, urban design and in art history, which should be acknowledged again for the sake of completeness. This review does not aim for a total coverage of the concept of cultural landscapes, which would be a thesis in i[...]he earliest reference to landscape is in the Book of Psalms (48.2) as the Hebrew "noff' which has the connotation of English "scenery". An alternative reading however, sees the word as part of a description of a landscape rather than being a word meaning landscape. I The actual life history of the word and its varying meanings can be traced t[...]andscape as scenery or more particularly an image of scenery in a painting and landscape as an area of land (which could also be argued is scenery excep[...]nery. The second definition, landscape as an area of land, entered the language around 1860 and was ta[...]e cultural landscape? Background on the history of geography At the outset something of the history of geography needs to be explained in order to put the development of cultural landscapes into context. The formal discipline of geography began to form along with the discipline of history in the Nineteenth Century (Conzen 1993:3)[...]tates at least, Conzen has identified two strands of geography that relate to history. The first is the study of the geographic influences and/or background to history. The second is the history of exploration and history (Conzen 1993:11). A third strand is noted in European geography, that of the geographic description of colonies which inevitably discussed their history[...]was widening as a discipline with the development of physical geography. This resulted into a two-streamed discipline one 1 By Dr Trevor Evans of the Classics Department, University of Sydney. 2 The Oxford English Dictionary no[...] |
| [...]e other with cultural geography. At the beginning of the Twentieth Century the United States geographe[...]torical geographic approach. He defined two fonns of landscape: the Urlandschaft or landscape that exi[...]andscape created by human culture. The major task of geography was to trace the changes in these two landscapes. In contrast to Hettner's view of geography as being distinguished by its method of studying spatial variations in regions and places[...]Martin 1981: 177), Schluter looked to the impact of humans on the natural environment rather than determination of human activities by the natural environment. The[...]l and based finnly on the fixed and movable fonns of the landscape, ignoring non-material aspects, suc[...]n with environmental (or geographic) detenninants of history. Historians had also made their own link with geography through the well-known work of Frederick Jackson Turner on frontiers. Turner was[...]phic data such as maps but also the whole concept of frontiers was essentially geographic in nature. Conzen's review of historical geography suggests that by the mid-192[...]s on environmental detenninism. "The fust quarter of the twentieth century had witnessed Promethean battles over the scope and orientation of American geography, in which the historical perspective had played a critical role and produced a literature of brash generalisation balanced precariously upon f[...]e Morphology ofthe Landscape in which the concept of cultural landscape was introduced. Carl Sauer, who had been educated in Gennany, was based at the University of California at Berkeley. Sauer's paper "The[...] |
| [...]concerned with cultural landscapes. "Every field of knowledge is . characterised by its declared preoccupation with a certain group of phenomena" (Sauer 1925:20). Geography was assigned the study of areal knowledge or landscapes or chorology (1925:[...]ly there but are either associated or independent of each other". Sauer saw that the geographer's task[...]ction between phenomena (1925:22). Thus "the task of geography is conceived as the establishment of a critical system which embraces the phenomenology of landscape, in order to grasp in all of its meaning and colour the varied terrestrial scene" (Sauer 1925 :25). The concept of cultural landscape was only generally defmed as part of Sauer's overall concept of landscape. Landscape was not a scene (as in a photograph or view) but a series of scenes. It was an area of distinct associations of fonns, both physical and cultural (1925 :26). The cultural landscape was both the physical fonns of significance to humans (such as minerals) and the cultural forms of human use of the area (such as mining). A cultural landscape's morphology was all the works of humanity that characterise the landscape which Sa[...]tial relations (1925:36), thus Sauer's conception of cultural landscape has a historical component to[...]on Cultural Geography (1931) Sauer made the role of cultural landscapes more explicit. Sauer saw a parallel between the aims and methods of physical geography and cultural geography. Cultural fonns (such as habitations, fields, lines of communications etc) were seen as having parallels with physical fonns (soils, gully erosion etc). The study of both was to be concerned with the question of origins and transfonnations as in geomorphology ([...]h Sauer was familiar) parallels the physical area of the geomorphologist. A cultural area consists "only of the expressions of man's tenure of the land, the cultural assemblage which records the full measure of man's utilisation of the surface" (Sauer 1931:33). The aim for cultural geography was to understand the development of the cultural area, which necessitates understandi[...]as based on morphology; "the massing and ordering of phenomena as forms that are integrated into structures and the comparative study of data thus organised constitute the morphologic method of synthesis, a special empirical method" (1925:30).[...]apply the morphological approach and is critical of these for being too narrow in scope (1925:32). Sa[...]and cultural landscapes looking to define a body of morphologic facts in each sphere. However[...] |
| [...]8 cultural landscapes, Sauer admitted to a lack of such facts citing only forms such as population,[...]ves but were to be found in the sister discipline of anthropology (1941 :356-357). Sauer had by that t[...]which Sauer was influenced by Krober is a matter of debate (see below). Sauer's approach to the question of historical development is through his morphologic[...]e placed in a sequential development on the basis of inductive reasoning that allows the sequence of development, from incipient form to fmal form to[...]as being things like housing (including the type of structures and their grouping) forms of production such as farms, forests, mines and so o[...]re derived by a culture group fashioning them out of the natural landscape, "culture is the agent, the[...]l landscape, from which supplies the material out of which the cultural landscape is formed, remained in Sauer's view constant. Of the geographies Sauer envisaged regional geograph[...]that suggest explanation rather than descriptions of culture change. In Sauer's adoption of the Kroeber derived concept of culture he also adopted the framework for the explanation of culture change: "Clearly Sauer shared Kroeber's emphasis on patterns of culture and on its essentially acquired, transmit[...](see Lyman et aI1997). Reactions to Sauer One of the most influential English geographical texts of this era was Richard Hartshorne's "The Nature ofGeography". First published in the Annals of the Association of American Geographers in 1939, it was reproduced a[...]. As Smith notes "Richard Hartshorne's The Nature of Geography was embraced almost as a holy text by o[...]e examined, then current, issues about the nature of geography in light of what had been written about them by past (mostly[...]ailed, scholarly, although highly critical, study of some aspects of geography. Central to Hartshorne's project was an inward looking view that the question of nature of |
| [...]geographers had written in the past. Smith writes of this approach and its wide acceptance as committi[...]art and intruders kept at bay by a perimeter wall of conceptual distinctions (Smith 1989:92). Inevitably Hartshorne's views clashed with those of Sauer's. Sauer's understanding of landscape (as well as Sauer's approach to histori[...]the issue by a detailed discussion on the concept of "landschaft" or landscape. Hartshorne failed to f[...]ty in either the original German geographer's use of the term or more recent uses of the term by US geographers (ie Sauer and his stud[...]difficulty stemmed apparently from the German use of the word "landschaft" to mean both the appearance of the land as we perceive it and a modified piece of land (Hartshorne 1961: 150). The German geograph[...]ining an indefinite relationship with the concept of the perceptible landscape was required to precisely define the objects of geographi~ study. Consequently geographers defined the word according to their view of what geography should study? Thus while landscape is an area of some sort, what is included in the area will vary[...]horne 1961: 158-159). Sauer is considered guilty of the same problem, as the precise definition of landscape in the "Morphology ofLandscape" was not[...]1961: 155). This to Hartshorne undermined the use of the concept on the grounds that to use landscape[...]any case landscape cannot escape the connotations of the popular definition as being some form of view (1961: 159- 160). This is hardly convincing[...]ture or history). Nor is Hartshorne's definition of landscape as ' a continuous surface of an area" (1961: 163) better than Sauer's. Hartsho[...]ology that obviously influences the ultimate form of the landscape? Hartshorne would do so and even would exclude underground workings of a mine (below the surface) and include open cut mines (on the surface) all in the name of precise definition (1961:164). Hartshorne's ultimate purpose in forcing this definition of landscape is ultimately to dismiss Sauer's call for geography to be seen as the study of landscapes. 3 While Hartshorne sees t[...] |
| [...]and considered that auer sees them as being part of an overall landscape. But from my reading of Sauer's "Morphology" it seems to me that Sauer wa[...]) with the natural landscape excluding the impact of humans. Secondly, within the cultural landscape,[...]tural landscape mean simply the present landscape of any inhabited region" (1961: 170). Sauer is an ex[...]torical perspective. For it is the transformation of the natural by culture that creates cultural landscape and it is this notion of change that interests Sauer (1926:45-46). This "assassination of the landscape" by Hartshorne was successful "in convincing succeeding generations of English language geographers that the notion of landscape has little or no value as a technical t[...]r things to do with his life. The "assassination of landscape" by Hartshorne was equally matched by his cliophobia (fear of history), which Sauer later labelled the "great r[...]ly about the need to understand the "place facts" of a landscape in terms of their time relations as well as their spatial rel[...]er than geography. 4 Hartshorne saw the question of the role of geography and history as one of the three major problems facing the geography of his time (1961: 175). The problem was the apparent easy overlapping of disciplinary boundaries between history and geography. Hartshorne was concerned about the use of history to explain features in the current landsc[...]ter. The first was that given the essential point of geography was spatial relationships, consideration of time was a secondary task. The second viewpoint was that as geographers are concerned with the 4 Of course the study of past geographies which mayor may not have any ass[...]st to move well away from Hartshorne's conception of geography yet he champions it. Maybe he ju[...] |
| [...]unds that it moves out ofthe technical competence of geography into history or anthropology (1961: 178-179). But of course, if geography is concerned with humans, in[...]and time, then is not competence in history part of a geographers training? Crowe, in particular, arg[...]to try and divorce time from space in the theatre of human affairs" (1938:3). Hartshorne was also con[...]at there "is no logical necessity for the student of a region to examine each of the various stages of development of the area" (1961: 182). This a seriously flawed bu[...]other critics came in a speech given as President of the Association of American Geographers in 1940 and published as Forward to Historical Geography (1941). Noting of geographers "we can hardly claim to be getting ou[...]identified a retreat from the board spectrum view of geography to a view that geography was a small core of things untouched (or unwanted) by other disciplin[...], not the competence, originality or significance of research... but the admissibility of work because it mayor may not satisfy a narrow definition of geography" (1941 :355). Sauer then went on to outline a broad program for the field of historical geography based on the anthropological concept of culture. However as Williams has noted Sauer's m[...]nd develop his interdisciplinary work in the area of the origins of agriculture (Williams 1983). auer then saw the[...]ndscape as an areal phenomena containing a series of landscape forms (both natural and cultural) that are associated in both space and time. The study of a cultural landscape was to be undertaken through the development of morphologic facts and forms, and the evaluation of these facts in space and time. Sauer saw that the understanding of the cultural landscape was derived from studying the change from the natural landscape and the introduction of cultural forms (1925:37). Due to Sauer's long association with the University of California at Berkeley (he supervised over 40 Ph.[...]gamation has been recently questioned by a number of geographers (especially, Price and Lewis |
| [...]ed a cultural geographer (1994:441)! Irrespective of Sauer s personal position there was however a definite group of scholars inspired by Sauer's work if not exactly following his example or being one of his students. At the same time there was a separate camp of geographers who where suspicious of Sauer's work (see Butlin 1994; Conzen 1994). In[...]ley, New England (1929). Setting himself the task of describing and interpreting landscapes, James beg[...]coinciding in an area with a definite combination of the elements of a site (landform, soils and so on). This is very[...]n this definition is in a sense taking snap shots of a static landscape. For while he is aware of the historical elements in a landscape and the ch[...]ern to another, he treats the historical elements of the landscape as a static not dynamic element. Thus his descriptions of landscape formations do not consider the process of change in them. Derwent Whittlesey's concept of sequent occupancy was a rare example of a specifically time related concept in human geog[...]lesey 1929). Whittlesey argued for a dynamic view of human occupancy of an area arguing that each period of human occupation carried with it the seed of its own transformation. Whittlesey was heading al[...]upancy seems to be in the same mode as the theory of vegetative succession and climax. As Mikesell puts it sequent occupance was similar to the concept of the ideal erosion cycle popular with geographers[...]cept could also be used to present cross sections of landscapes at each stage of development. "Geographers could subordinate the c[...]ter graduation he was employed at Louisiana State University where he began research using Sauer's methods. Fa[...]nacular house types in Louisiana and a generation of students followed him (see Kniffen 1962, 1[...] |
| [...]apping but an attempt to get an "areal expression of ideas regarding housing" as a basis for understanding the geographic expression of culture (1962: 169). Conzen notes the importance of Kniffen and the "Louisiana Landscape school" he spawned, in the study of the morphology of landscape focusing on individual items of material culture which were seen as culture traits material expressions of culture across the landscape (Conzen 1994:47-50).[...]ulture as a whole and this was a common criticism of the work produced. While on the subject of Kniffen a word must be said about Henry Glassie. Glassie was a student of Fred Kniffen and shared his interest in vernacula[...]Virginia (1975) is probably the most influential of his works on architecture particularly for the ar[...]nity.s Glassie described this study as "the study of the architecture of past thought" (1975:vii). Glassie's study was interesting both for its use of structuralism as a method of analysis, although his analytical methods were rarely repeated, and for his demonstration that a study of material culture could get away from the particularism of typology to reach in some way the underlying framework of past life. Glassie's approach clearly circumvented the critique that geographical studies of the Kniffen school were an "obsessional interest in the physical or material elements of culture rather than in its more obviously social dimensions" (Jackson 1989: 19). Andrew Clark was a student of Sauer who later developed his own particular appr[...]n his doctoral research) is a fascinating account of the history and geography of the South Island of New Zealand,6 fails to use the concept of cultural landscapes. Yet at times Clark comes close to discussing a form of cultural landscape when he considers the origin of the "Englishness" of the landscape. "The South Island was, in its cult[...]in the eighteen-nineties, very much the 'Britain of the South'" (1949:384). But while these features are described and the origin of many features ascribed to various economic, cultu[...]I think Clark really saw the Britishness as a set of things brought to New Zealand rather than perhaps[...]lark's doctoral work he embarked on a long series of studies in Canadian geography (Clark being a Cana[...]ally applied the "Berkeley genetic 5 Glassie has of course produced many other works on folklore most of which repay investigation. Curiously Glassie's wo[...]d in the geographic world. In all the discussions of landscape as text by the "new cultural geographer[...]Phillip in 1791! This mistake is notable in view of his latter comments on education for histo[...] |
| [...]y Inventory and Prospect. Although nominally head of a committee, (Hartshorne apparently advised Clark[...]al geography as "the study the past circumstances of, or of changes in the phenomena of concern to geography" (1954:73). Later he makes e[...]ross section approach was basically a description of a society and landscape at a particular point in[...]ral processes and landscapes (1954:85). The fear of history seems to have infected Clark who argues f[...]historical geographers in "the physical branches of geography"; "anthropology and archaeology", "reading the records of the past" and the "history of geography" but not in the theory and methods of history itself (1954:93-95).7 It is this wariness of history (and suspicion of anyone too close to it) that H.C. Darby noted when discussing American historical geography and the work of James (1929) and Whittlesey (1929) on understandi[...]might easily lead to a full-scale reconstruction of some past geography". According to one's point of view, one might regard that as falling down the s[...]ts (Darby 1954:651). The most explicit statement of what became characterised as the "Berkeley school[...]ultural" geography was defined as the application of the idea of culture to geographic problems (Wagner and Mikesell 1962). The main focus of cultural geography seemed to be the distribution of culture traits and the definition of cultural areas in time (Wagner and Mikesell 19625[...]landscape was defined as 'the geographic content of a determined area or geographic complex of a certain type, in which the choices made and changes worked by members of some cultural community are manifested" (Wagner a[...]en as being a concrete and characteristic product of the complicated interplay between a given human community and a particular set of natural 7 However see Earle 1992 for a more positive assessment of Andrew Clark's contribution to "history an[...] |
| [...]ng typical for most geographers, that is plotting of distributions and densities of features, comparisons between regions charting of movements, zonation and so on. All the geographi[...]Cultural history is seen as addressing four kinds of facts; the origin of cultural features; the routes of their dissemination; the distribution of cultural areas; and the character of former cultural landscapes (Wagner and Mikesell 1962:15). The history of cultural landscapes involves reconstruction and d[...]as studying the processes that link the sequences of events described in the cultural history. These p[...]defined after careful and systematic description of specific cultural landscapes which then proceeds[...]ikesell 1962:19-22). In many ways the weak point of this approach was the geographers use of the term culture (Brookfield 1964), a point recog[...]ific weakness as being in the uncritical adoption of the "superorganic" nature of culture, as propounded by the anthropologist Kroe[...]keley School" and Sauer. The superorganic concept of culture saw culture as an entity above the indivi[...]son acts or is constrained according to the level of culture. Culture is not created by humans or hist[...]can 1980: 182-184; Jackson 1989: 18). Explanation of past or current landscapes was seen as being extr[...]ly Denis Cosgrove and Peter Jackson) were accused of "self-serving debunking of traditional cultural geography" by Price and Lewis (1993:3) who carried out a spirited defence of Sauer and the Berkeley school. They argued that Duncan's characterisation of Kroeber's work was inaccurate and that the concep[...]by Sauer and held only by a "minority contingent" of the Berkeley School (Price and Lewis 1993:9-11). Irrespective of the rights and wrongs of the situation Price and Lewis do admit that the concept of culture is poorly developed in the older forms of Berkeley geography (1993:9, 11). Despite Price and Lewis's defence and the apparent modification of their views by Wagner (1994) and Mikesell (1967)[...]tural geography approach is the conceptualisation of culture which leads to a lack of explanatory power in their arguments. 9[...] |
| [...]ulate a scientific geography based on the concept of human relationships with the physical environment (1933:v, 10-11). The physical form of this relationship is the cultural landscape. This approach is not unlike the objectives of Sauer (who is not cited) and Bryan's work see[...]d in his Morphology paper. The physical fonn of the relationship between humans and the environme[...]humans); "is the objective expression of the relationship between human activities and[...]possesses movable fonns as in the cases of men and vehicles. It has activity expressed in the operations of seeding and harvesting, manufacturing processes and the movement of vehicles. Lastly, it has the results of these activities in the forms of crops, manufactured products, the transportation of goods and people, the production of health, good government and amusement" (Bryan 195[...]derpinning the cultural landscape is Byran's view of culture as based on the satisfaction of a series of basic human needs and desires. These cause humans[...]ction on the natural environment and the response of the natural environment in return creates the[...]namic and are transformed over time as the nature of human activity changes (1933:60-62). The thrust of Bryan's book is not to question these assumptions or to justify the nature of the cultural landscape as an "objective expression" but to develop approaches to the analysis of the cultural landscape. Overall Bryan's study reads as a mechanistic approach to the dynamics of human life for example "the village of Helidon in Northamptonshire may be described in terms of the cultural landscape as the concrete or objective expression of man's adaptation of nature in an effect to satisfy the desire for she[...]"Man" in particular seems a very static part of Bryan's world apart from basic desires. There is nothing of humans in this analysis. This point is well made[...]things. "The human factor is more than the works of man. It includes ideologies as well as techno[...]an's work under the heading "Sociological aspects of Geography" which no doubt accounts for the use of the word "ideology" which is notably absen[...] |
| [...]present the cultural landscape as the end result of some natural inevitable process rather than as created by a wide variety of forces. The classification is static but the subj[...]). Crowe points out that this avoids the dynamics of a region and also notes that much of what is significant in understanding the dynamics of a landscape is not open to the eye (1938: 11). Dickinson (1939) responded to Crowe's criticism of the morphological approach with a restatement of the morphological approach to cultural landscapes. He reviewed earlier work particularly that of Schluter, Passarge, Brunhes and Sauer and stated his own views. Cultural landscapes are man's transformation of the natural landscape. Landscape is restricted to the fixed features in the composition of terrestrial areas. The elements of the landscape are areal facts and are to be studi[...]from the other disciplines (1939:5-6). The study of cultural landscapes is concerned with the process of human activity in time and area and therefore Dic[...]The CrowelDickinson debate really restated much of what had been written earlier and both authors se[...]nson and went on to argue for the essential unity of the study of space and time and that understanding of the features of a landscape is partially dependent on understanding of "cultural phenomena which are not represented in[...](1939:221). He further notes that the likelihood of relic features occurring in a landscape and argues that as the whole history of a landscape cannot be studied (due to the large scope of the work involved) the fundamental work should be[...]phenomena, and these two classes are not capable of explanation in the same terms, or within the same system. Moreover, neither is capable of explanation of phenomena directly observable in the landscape" ([...]le geomorphic processes can be explained in terms of special physical laws the cultural landscape can be understood only in terms of social processes (1939:222-223). Secondly he argu[...]limitations on geographic study by the exclusion of anything not visible on the landscape. This is because cuiturallandscapes are part of the broader area of the social conditions of the communities occupying an area (1939:223). |
| [...]skin and the Engli h Landscape A separate strand of British landscape studies, more historical geogra[...]graphy, began in the Depression era with the work of the geographer H.c. Darby and is drawn on and con[...]e Beresford. They wrote on the origins and nature of past English landscapes at a local and broad leve[...]liams 1989). Darby is known for four main aspects of his work. Firstly, his detailed work on the draining of the English Fens. Secondly, for his work on reconstructing the Doomsday geography of England. Thirdly his editing of the historical geography of England and [mally, his writings on history and g[...]he saw very much as a humanised one, the concept of cultural landscapes is not really used as an anal[...]anised his writing on landscapes in a combination of two approaches. The first, was the reconstruction of past geographies. Darby undertook this using the[...]the cross section, which involved taking a period of time and examining the geography of the country or region (following the example of Macaulay's notorious third chapter). This method[...]3: 644; 1960:147-148). There was also the problem of differential rates of change in landscape elements thus as Darby puts i[...]alternative approach was to concentrate on a part of the landscape and write the narrative history of that theme emphasising change. This approach is really the study of cultural landscapes and their change. Darby's spe[...]through time. Darby recognised that the approach of examining one theme might be criticised on[...] |
| [...]honest mind", was that such studies may stray out of the field of geography. Darby dismissed such critici ms as unn[...]n taking this approach Darby followed the example of Jan Broek's the Santa Clara Vall ey l2 which combined four cross-sections with three studies of the social and economic forces that led to the ch[...]Darby took a very pragmatic approach to the study of the landscape through historical geography realising that a knowledge of history and geography was essential for such a pr[...]us and our past generations will be the prisoners of their own cultural and intellectual world" (1983:[...]little concern about straying into the territory of geography or using archaeological evidence. In 19[...]plain "the manner in which the various landscapes of this country came to assume the shape and appeara[...]a symphony that can be enjoyed purely as a piece of music or in depth once the underlying structure a[...]ook is, then, an attempt to study the development of the English landscape much as though it were a piece of music, or a series of compositions of varying magnitude, in order that we may understan[...]ins' ability to involve the reader in the process of discovery of this logic that really makes an impact. Constantly we are reminded, by way of detailed interpretation or reading, that the past[...]reader to agree with the interpretation and think of other places with similar evidence. Methodologica[...]ysical evidence as well as the documentary. "Some of the best documentary local histories betray not t[...]t sign that the author has looked over the hedges of his chosen place" (1959:3). In practice Hoskins p[...]ntary as examples. In 12 Broek was a student of Sauer. |
| [...]discussing the Anglo- axon field system instead of some ancient texts being cited the reader is presented with an array of photographs and plans that make his point: By ta[...]ten record into what he clearly saw as a new form of history which incorporated physical evidence foun[...]on exemplified by Darby's work as well as studies of culture traits and settlements. Hoskins interest[...]places him in the archaeological sphere as a form of rudimentary historical archaeologist. Historian, archaeologist, geographer. Hoskins displays the skills of all these disciplines and presents a narrative interpretation of how the landscape was made. In so far as Hoskins[...]to Darby as well as the romantic movement. Traces of Hoskin's nostalgic view of the English rural landscape are seen in works as[...]" and its sturdy Hobbitary and Awdrey's depiction of the island of Sodor as a refuge from modem technology. This nostalgic view of the past has recently been criticised by Bender (1993) mainly because of its appropriation by the "Heritage Industry" and[...]ymond Williams. Meinig has commented on the lack of impact The Making ofthe English landscape had ini[...]ious work it is frequently seen as the beginnings of serious consideration of cultural landscapes (e.g. Russell 1988: 11). This[...]he case, rather Hoskins work marks the beginnings of concern for the conservation and preservation of cultural landscapes. This is because unlike Darby[...]rve cultural landscapes rather than the beginning of cultural landscape studies. 13 Taking a similar[...]esford, an economic historian with a similar lack of self-consciousness about wandering into other dis[...]combined documentary research with an examination of landscape and physical evidence. This lead to two[...]in 1961 Beresford particularly emphasised the use of physical evidence to interpret or illustrate the[...]en treated in a similar manner as being the start of some concern for historical landscapes eve[...] |
| [...]s refreshing and his writing lucid, the direction of research is largely one way from the historical d[...]his would have been seen by Beresford as the role of archaeology. With the work of Darby, Hoskins and Beresford there is a clear tradition of the integration of the documentary with the landscape in studying the past. This is seen by all of these writers as natural rather than something th[...]eir published work shows, was more in the writing of good history than in discussing their methodologi[...]he 1960s there were two approaches to the concept of landscape in geography. The cultural geographers,[...]inly American, were oriented towards the approach of Sauer and the analysis of the cultural landscape through the tracing of culture traits although they were split over the use of history with some merely wanting to describe land[...]another landscape. The second approach was that of the British geographers (and local historians) which seems to have been more concerned with methods of data presentation rather than with any theory of history. Their approach to the landscape was to s[...]trating on a cross-section in time or the tracing of a theme (such as draining the fens) through time.[...]e landscape they saw was substantially the result of human activity. The so-called paradigm shift of the "New Geography" occurred in the 1960s and is generally associated with the locational geography of Haggett, Chorley and others (Chorley and Haggett[...]eography" took three new directions; the espousal of a scientific method based on logical positivism,[...]thods and models for analysis and the development of new quantitative methods typically based on the greater access to computers. For the purposes of this review the question is how did the" ew Geography" affect the concept of cultural landscapes and related approaches? The answer is complex. Firstly, the idea of landscapes as being cultural did not change. Howe[...]rical geography) and, secondly, the understanding of the meaning and content of cultural landscapes. It should be noted however, that the effects of this revolution were not felt |
| [...]372 universally through the discipline of geography and many geographers continued undertak[...]tical approach was initially towards the adoption of a positivist approach to science (Gregory 1978).[...]stage in scientific investigation was the testing of theories and generalisations against facts. Baker[...]es, those that Baker mentioned were the keystones of Darby's approach: cross-sections, vertical themes[...]ing based on behavioural approaches. The sub-text of Baker's article is that the reconstruction of past geographies should be replaced by an explanation of change in historical geography. Hugh Prince's me[...]he past (1971, see also 1969) applied the methods of the new geography to historical geography in an attempt to enlarge the scope of the field. He outlined three main vistas for historical geographic inquiry. The first approach, that of studying the "real" world of past features and events "that actually existed i[...]empting to place the information into the context of ideas about the world at the time to recreate pas[...]in a slightly hermeneutic way) the abstract world of models and quantitative relationships is brought[...]n why a particular phenomena occurred. Under each of these topics are sub-topics and under them more topics leading in all to 45 different areas of historical geographic inquiry all relating in som[...]is generally considered however, that the impact of the "New Geography" was much less in the area of historical geography and thus concepts of cultural landscapes than in other areas. Writing[...]Baker considered that the changes in other fields of geography had only just begun to be felt in histo[...]that the "New Geography" represented a renovation of the previous geography in its tacit allegiance to the methods of the natural sciences and in the role of the scientist (1978 :21). Conzen writing with an emphasis on the American geographers noted the introduction of quantitative analysis and model building and a br[...]ed opposition" but he also noted that the promise of early studies was often not met (1994:66-70). |
| [...]phy" did not have a notable effect on the concept of cultural landscapes its main benefit was in firstly killing off the narrow Hartshorne view of geography and opened up the field to a new range of ideas. Secondly a whole new suite of techniques were presented for analysing the landscape. Whatever one might think of the "New Geography" these were lasting legacies to the study of the landscape Many cultural landscape By the e[...]begun to tum leaving behind a flotsam and jetsam of models and theories. In its place emerges a plurality of approaches to landscapes termed "humanistic geogr[...]oppose the mechanical and uncritical application of the methods of the natural sciences to human geographic issues ([...]:302-304 for a discussion) and by an exploration of Marxist interpretations particularly through the work of David Harvey (Lagopoulos & Boklund-Lagopoulos 1992). There was also the continuing of the traditional DarbylHoskins approach as exempli[...]ral landscapes but more with the overall question of the aims of human geography. Their effect however was more in[...]at they resulted in major changes in the practice of geography, which required the approach to, and the concept of, cultural landscapes had to change. Baker in a re[...]ansformed by man rather than upon man as an agent of landscape change, upon artefacts rather than upon[...]processes" (1991 :300). Baker viewed the concern of historical geography as being "the process underl[...]le and place (1991 :300-301). It was the merging of period and place that Baker saw as being exemplified in the edited volume of papers The Interpretation ofthe Ordinary Landscape (Meinig 1979). This collection of papers was aimed at exhibiting the vitality of the topic "landscape" and current thought on the[...]context. Meinig in his introduction sets the tone of the articles by defining the field "landsc[...] |
| [...]nature, although it is an intricate intermingling of physical, biological and cultural features. IS La[...]not scenery as scenery is a continuous selection of certain views. Landscape although all around us is not environment as environment is an inherent property of every living thing but landscape is less inclusiv[...]is not place. Meinig argued that this is because of the experiential nature of place, landscape is a continuous surface not a point focus locality or defined area. Landscape is a portion of the earth's surface, but not identical with regio[...]dy but also argued that landscape study is a form of social history that seeks to understand the routine lives of ordinary people and studied as a history. "Every[...]mal history, methodologically defining the making of the landscape from the past to the present" (1979[...]and apply contemporary social theory to the study of landscape. On a more general level in the "Behol[...]; as wealth; as an ideology; as a physical record of the past; as a place and as an aesthetic (1979b).[...]scape (1979:52-53). Samuels then traced a history of "the war against the self' and outlines a program for the development of a biography of landscape. He argued against the view that the sc[...]ably constrained and would also leave explanation of historical events to non human forces, such as "m[...]s for self-expression "through which and by means of which individuals and groups mould their environm[...](1979:63). Seen this way the scientific evidence of limitations on an individual's action are visible[...]s particularity and partiality. 16 The biography of the landscape has as its central concept the study of the role of the individual: both key individuals, and thousands of lesser figures, in their context - the IS[...] |
| [...]375 world of the authored landscapes. For Samuels the main met[...]o account for the relationships between the world of imagined landscapes and the world of lived-in landscapes, both require an author but are different products of authorship. This is resolved by examining landscapes of impression (ie the thoughts of people about landscapes which study is related to geosophy, the study of past geographical thought) and landscapes of expression. While Samuel's approach is of great interest the most obvious problem that emer[...]actually does this in practice. The issue is one of identifying key individuals and their role as wel[...]rmation about themselves, not necessarily because of their role in creating the landscape. The result may be a phenomenologically correct version of Samuel Smiles' Lives ofthe Engineers. Samuels touches on this point by noting that in some cases a biography of landscape is not always feasible because of a limit of concrete data concerning the millions of authors (1979:81). This seems to imply that we ha[...]ion is how one makes a judgement about the weight of the non-key individuals contribution, here some form of connection to social theory is required. Lewis's[...]e analogy would be a "readers guide") in the form of axioms. Although they may seem somewhat trite, th[...]ver "read" the landscape and hence the popularity of Lewis's contribution (1979). What is missing in L[...]how one proceeds from the recognition and reading of the cultural landscape to a depth of understanding that is obvious in the writings of the "landscape heroes" Lewis celebrates (ie Sauer[...]etc.). In a more recent article Lewis covers some of the same ground but spends some time reviewing the stage of research on cultural landscapes with little discussion of what a landscape is (1983). In reviewing the works of the humanist school, Cosgrove argues that the met[...]useful, ultimately fail to explain the phenomena of place and landscape as they relate to human consc[...]h are idealist terms and preclude the possibility of understanding the reasons behind things (1978:70). Cosgrove argues for a merging of Marxist and humanist approaches, linking concepts of individual and social consciousness linked to the material world (1978:70-71). A similar criticism of humanistic geography was made by Kobayashi who argued that the issue of how to connect the world of individual experience with the realm of social, political and material reality is largely[...](1989) suggestion for utilising Sartre's concept of dialectical reason as a way of overcoming this problem seems not to have[...] |
| [...]376 Po t-whatever and different readings of the land cape By the mid 1980s Rowntree (1988),[...]in the discourse. "Recent activity on both sides of the Atlantic conveys the notion that a "new" cult[...]1988) argued that in attempting to infuse a sense of human agency to morphological and land use studies the revitalised concept of the cultural landscape would be useful. Ley, in what could only be considered a heady burst of enthusiasm, argues that Lewis (1985) has reopened the issue of geographic description, and quickly argues for the concept of "thick description" (after Geertz) as a way to ap[...]ees landscapes as being "the active constructions of social groups, with all the flux, dynamism, disco[...]s view implies" (1988:99). In discussing the work of Geertz, the original thick describer, Ley points to Geertz's use of the concept of Bali as a theatre state which acts to organise an[...]valuation). Ley considers that the identification of the urban landscape as text would serve a similar purpose for geography (1988: 100) and points to a number of recent studies along those lines. In (Re)reading the Landscape (one of the studies referred to by Ley) Duncan and Duncan approach the "riddle of the landscape through the medium of literary theory and social theory" arguing that the answer lies at the intersection of the two where each supplies the deficiencies of the other (1988: 117). Literary theory provides geographers with a way of examining the text-like qualities of landscapes and to see them as transformations of ideologies. 19 Literary theory also provides theories of reading and authorship, which can be used to expl[...]e that literary theory often ignores the question of social organisation, they adopt the notion of textual communities that cluster around a shared reading of a text put forward by Stock in 1983 (as cited by[...]s was a complex reference to the then recent fall of the Berlin wall, the "civil war" in cultural geog[...]he Leonard Cohen song popular at that time. Cohen of course was a Canadian. 18 Which in fact Lewis nev[...]early reliance on literary theory in his analysis of material culture. Is this because of him not being a geographer or his strong associations with the cultural geography of Kniffen, which Duncan opposed? |
| [...]377 Thus landscapes are seen as the product of textualised behaviour that defines how they are c[...]ediating influence shaping behaviour in the image of the text. The Duncan s illustrate their point with a series of examples of the transformation of text into landscape. There are two types of coexisting transformations. One where the actual[...]A pertinent example they give is the development of the Vancouver suburb Shaughnessy as a focused transformation of Nineteenth Century architectural texts (1988: 121[...]he authors or readers are only vaguely or unaware of the textual basis of the landscape. At Shaughnessy this was seen as a notion of genteel "picturesque country life" within the city (Duncan and Duncan 1988:121). The texts of course are seen as ideological documents which support sets of ideas and values about the way society is or shou[...]ed. This is often translated, through the process of naturalisation, into "the way things are" (naturally). Landscape can be seen as the transformation of these ideologies into physical form. The landscape can then be seen as part of this naturalising process as evidence of how society should or must be organised although they do not of necessity act in this way all the time. Interpret[...]and denaturalisation is seen as an important task of the academic. "Because landscapes are one of the most persuasive, taken-for-granted texts about social organisation, denaturalisation is one of the most important tasks we can perform" (Duncan[...]Text (1990) which, apart from its investigations of Kandyan Kingdom, aimed to demonstrate a methodology for the implementation of the ideas expressed earlier (in Duncan and Duncan 1988). Beginning with the by now familiar critique of traditional studies of cultural landscapes as being in essence superfici[...]1990: 15-17). Landscape as "an ordered assemblage of objects, a text, acts as a signifying system thro[...]. Duncan suggests that to understand this quality of landscape two questions need to be addressed; wha[...]akes place (1990: 17). There is also the question of textuality and intertextuality. In considering what is signified, Duncan suggests that an examination of local people's accounts of the nature of landscape through a hermeneutic process is useful. Secondly an examination of outsider's accounts of the landscape and the discourse between this acco[...]Finally there is the geographers interpretations of the system of signification underlying the landscape (1990: 17-19). Duncan defends the outsiders view - that of the academic, as useful in determining unintended, unacknowledged conditions of action but places it in the context of a hermeneutic rather than scientific mode of analysis (1990: 18). |
| [...]in which signification takes place, the rhetoric of the landscape, Duncan points to two lines of inquiry (while acknowledging that there may be more). The first is the impact of objectification of the landscape. By this I think Duncan means that[...]ery-day the landscape in fact performs a function of masking its history, ideology, role in society and so on (Duncan 1990:19). One can perhaps think of a wilderness area where its "untouched nature" serves to mask for example the history of Aboriginal occupation and Aboriginal disposition. The second element in the rhetoric are the tropes (figures of speech) which allow the landscape to act as a sig[...]recurrent narrative structure and gives examples of these drawing on his work in Kandy (Duncan 1990:[...]uality concerns the production and interpretation of text. Duncan notes that the memory and interpretation of the past is an important political resource. Inte[...]udy to Duncan's, Cosgrove, in Myth and the Stones of Venice (1982), traces the Venetian myth of Venice in the landscape of the city of Venice. "In the initiatives of Sixteenth Century we may read the myth of Venice in its townscape... Constitutional balance[...]e and architecture" (1982: 151). This inscription of myth was done through reference to an iconography[...]rated historical legends and humanist conceptions of the ideal organisation of creation" (1982: 153) which were part of the Venetian conception of their city. Nineteenth Century English visitors t[...]he Venetian myth and related it to a mythical set of moral and social conditions as a response and critique of the social ills of Victorian England. In this study we see a clear example of the reading and rereading of social and mythological values in the landscape a[...]ic Landscape (1984) is concerned with the concept of landscape and how it is (or was?) created and dev[...]tory Cosgrove focuses on the material foundations of the landscape idea, which he suggests is the theme of the human use of earth. Cosgrove adopts a cultural materialist position that the concept of landscape cannot be discussed outside the context of material practice (1984:2). In focusing on the history of the cultural production of landscape idea Cosgrove is far from Sauer's original discussion on cultural landscapes and the sort of studies Sauer envisaged. Yet as Cosgrove wants to ground his discussion in the material practice of landscape he uses the same theme of human use of the earth, the relationships between socie[...] |
| [...]ove notes the traditional geographer's deftnition of landscape as an area of the surface of the earth with a visual and functional arrangement of human and natural phenomena and outlines the method of scientific study, typically though morphology, of landscapes. He notes that this approach involves the "rigorous exclusion of subjectivity in the interest of scientific aims (1984:16). Landscape however has[...]in particular Cosgrove focuses on the definition of landscape as "the area subtended to the eye and vision of an observer who will at least in theory paint it"[...]meaning" (1984: 17). This dual, ambiguous, nature of landscape containing both subjective and objectiv[...]y really deal with the objective or surface layer of meanings (1984: 17-18). A second ambiguity lies between the personal experience of landscape and the social experience. For an individual viewing a landscape (whether represented in some form of the real world) there is an element of control and response that is personal. However fo[...]vely produced, experienced and maintained as part of a social group. The difficulty in the scientific[...]s in dealing with the insiders experience for use of a rigorous scientific approach risks denying the integrity of the insiders experience (Cosgrove 1984: 18-19). The origins of these ambiguities lie in the artistic use of landscape, a concept which was taken over by geographers. In discussing the history of the artistic landscape, Cosgrove points to the discovery of perspective as the origin of realist landscape painting. Perspective was regarded as the truth itself "an objective property of space" (1984:21- 22). It was a way of controlling space and objects directing them back[...]e makes the point repeatedly that the conventions of the landscape painting emerge "as conventions that reinforce ideas of individualism, subjective control over an objective environment and separation of personal experience over a collective historical[...]en incorporated into the geographers construction of landscape. This occurred through the visual foundation of the landscape concept (1984:28-31). A landscapes[...]lies deeply rooted in the artistic landscape way of seeing. The difficulty for scientific approaches[...]e is that "science demands structured explanation of the forms and events it observes, and the understanding and elucidation of processes" (1984:32). Yet the underlying ideology of landscape as a static visual model formally denie[...]ncing methodological gymnastics" (such as the use of cross-sections) to attempt explanation or |
| [...]380 the abandonment of the overview of landscape to concentrate on social process that y[...]is not suitable for investigating all the levels of meaning in the landscape, Cosgrove then comments on the humanistic perspective. It is the affective meaning of landscape that has interested the humanistic geog[...]But ultimately for Cosgrove, despite the insights of the humanist geographers, neither the scientific[...]takes the same theme (and is virtually a synopsis of the book) Cosgrove makes explicit that the morpho[...]h result in patterns but not to any understanding of process. This is because "one of the consistent purposes of landscape painting has been to present an image of order and proportional control, to suppress evidence of tension and conflict between social groups and wi[...]phers have adopted the landscape concept as a way of moving beyond scientism, the concept itself share[...]eeds to be investigated. Again however the method of investigation or ways of getting beyond this problem are not put forward. In a major statement of methods, Geography is everywhere, (1989) Cosgrove[...]ography (1989:122). Calling for a stronger theory of culture in the "new cultural geography" (1989:122[...]ngs landscape and culture together in the concept of the symbol. "To understand the expressions written by a culture into its landscape we require a knowledge of the language employed: the symbols and their mean[...]landscape begin with a close and detailed reading of the text (ie the landscape) through "fieldwork, m[...]does not reject the traditional tools and skills of the geographer and in this is in agreement with S[...]ted upon and honestly acknowledged in the writing of our geography" (1989: 126). However there is also[...]nscious distortion. Geographers use a broad range of evidence and, as Cosgrove notes, each has its str[...]knesses, which require the geographer to be aware of their techniques if the evidence is to be handled proficiently. 20 A description of a fieldwork program is in Cosgrove and Dan[...] |
| [...]l to allow the geographer to get "under the skin" of the landscape and yet wrenching the landscape out of its context of space and time (1989: 127). Finally the interpretation of the landscape is re-presented through the geographers language of symbols and words. The final work of Cosgrove to be discussed is his book The Palladia[...]k comes together in a geographical interpretation of a region of northern Italy. Without going into the fascinating detail of Cosgrove's study we will consider his approach to the issue of landscape. After a brief discussion the failings of the old cultural geography are summarised as a lack oftheoretical reflection; its assumption of uniformity within a culture; and a virtual exclus[...]visible material forms. Drawing on a broad range of theoretical literature in the humanities and soci[...]tices are signification. Having accepted the idea of culture as signification then come the questions of interpretation. Cosgrove sees these as involving[...]utic circle that never reaches "the sunlit slopes of absolute scientific truth" (1992:6). Having learn[...]ant and contingent circumstances in which a group of people live their lives and give them meaning" (1[...]n people are focussed on, "the conflicting nature of cultural signification becomes unavoidably appare[...]not negate the traditional geographic techniques of field and map study but the new orientations, which see landscapes as "signifiers of the culture of those who made them" (1992:8), changes the questions asked of the evidence and indeed the evidence itself. imil[...]nalysing hydrology Cosgrove comments the concepts of systems theory are directly applicable but when considering the questions of the way humans give meaning to the relations betw[...]the old geographical writings. The final member of the new cultural geographers is Peter Jackson who's book Maps of Meaning (1989) is more a summary of new approaches to cultural geography than a manif[...]n's work is an attempt to re-theorise the concept of culture and to examine some ways it might be applied to geography (1989: 171). Part of the work's appeal is its concise and strai[...] |
| [...]are about. Beginning with the familiar critique of Sauer and the Berkeley School21 and of the humanistic geography (1989: 1-23), Jackson moves to an elaboration of cultural studies through a discussion of the work of Raymond Williams. Characterising William's work as dealing with the central question of whether a materialist analysis of culture can be constructed that doesn't become a[...]materialist as it emphasises that cultural forms of all kinds are the result of specific processes of production. Jackson then surveys the variety in the field of cultural studies. Turning to cultural landscapes[...]consistently rejected a unitary and elitist view of culture. It has focused instead on the plurality of cultural forms through which dominant meanings ar[...]ographers must be prepared to examine a plurality of landscapes. Jackson briefly discusses work in thi[...]ork by Ley and Cosgrove. Apart from the critique of Price and Lewis (1993) there have been two major[...]ltural geography. Firstly Demeritt in an overview of the metaphors used in the new cultural geography[...]historians have been arguing for a dualistic view of nature, nature exists apart from our understanding of it, cultural geographers have questioned the same[...]landscape. Cultural geographers took up metaphors of cultural production to turn attention to the social construction of meaning which in tum allowed them to critique the "naturalised" conception of landscape. However environmental historians Demerit argues "are committed to representing the agency of nature as autonomous from cultural ways of understanding it" (1994: 164). Demeritt basically sees no hope of reconciling the two positions and suggests that n[...]abandoned "we can get on with the important work of understanding how the idea of culture functions in society" (1995:110). Mitchel[...]lished. Duncan (1995) points to the establishment of the journal Ecumene as a positive sign, no wonder, as he and Cosgrove are its editors! However the influence of new cultural geography seems limited in America and in the field of historical geography. 21 By now becomi[...] |
| [...]ewrite Wagners and Mikesell classic text in light of the critique of their view of culture (which they both recant in this volume).[...]d as Re-reading Cultural Geography as a statement of cultural geography will be as convenient a target[...]the British literature (1994: 16-17). While some of the readings are certainly in the terrain of new cultural geography most are not. In commenting on the text Duncan notes the absence of some "fine relevant British writing' (1995 :418).[...]cal geography despite the enthusiastic discussion of ideology and landscape by Baker (1992) and a simi[...]in the USA by Conzen (1993) notes only a seepage of post-modem ideas into historical geography (1993:88). Butlin's similar overview of historical geography focuses on authors such as G[...]ew cultural geography is discussed in the chapter of landscapes as merely broadening the traditional a[...]between geography and history points to a failure of historical geographers to come to grips with current notions of history claiming that historical geography is using an outmoded paradigm of history "the natural history approach" (1997:222). While one might wish to disagree with aspects of Guelke's analysis, his comments on the differing uses of history are important in understanding why cultur[...]l geography seems absurd especially when the work of cultural geographers such as Cosgrove and Duncan,[...]NCLUSIONS It is perhaps a testimony to the power of the landscape concept that at the end of this review there is still even more literature that could be examined. The concept of cultural landscapes has proven to be of long lasting usefulness in helping researchers un[...]onment ever left a "natural" landscape. The work of Carl Sauer is important in formulating a concept of cultural landscapes. Sauer's morphological approa[...]d largely is carried on by the current generation of cultural geographers. Sauer's work was ref[...] |
| [...]384 conceptualisation of culture in the work of the cultural geographers have been identified and conceded. A third generation school of cultural geography has emerged in the USA aiming[...]roach to cultural landscapes emerged in the works of Darby, Hoskins and Beresford which integrated landscape and documentary evidence in a description of the cultural landscapes. Although the work of Darby, Hoskins and Beresford was not unified enou[...]lanatory power was limited by their understanding of culture although they obviously had a broader view of why certain landscapes occurred when they did. I[...]ent approach to the landscape emerged in the work of the New Cultural Geographers. They rejected the view of culture which is typified as being used by Sauer[...]Landscapes are seen as social constructs or a way of seeing (Jackson 1989: 180-181). Despite the rejection of old cultural geography Cosgrove explicitly points to the use of traditional techniques of fieldwork and mapping as ways to closely read the landscape. The difference lies in the questions asked of the landscape and the evidence used to understand the landscape. Landscapes have layers of meaning that can be reached by a variety of techniques, for Duncan it is the metaphor of reading the landscape as text (1990). For Cosgrove it is a careful contextual analysis (1989) and the use of the theatrical metaphor (Cosgrove and Daniel 1989[...]weaknesses but none is seen as the preferred way of undertaking analysis. It is of interest that the practical examples of studies seem limited to one well defmed period of time and area. For Cosgrove it is Sixteenth Centu[...]ly as they claim to have overcome the limitations of the previous methods of dealing with change over time. Currently there s[...]ool- the new cultural geography pushing this view of landscape. This is balanced by an American school of a renovated "old" cultural geography, which is mo[...]. Central to the work in each form is the concept of cultural landscapes. The concept has survived but the questions asked of the landscape have diversified and become[...] |
| [...]APPE DIX TWO: RESPECTABILITY A D THE CULT OF DOMESTICITY |
| [...]386 Respectability was the underpinning of the squatter's status; it is what separated them from the "skulkers" and others who perhaps met some of the criteria to be squatters?3 Respectability is a short hand word for a system of social values held during the period under discus[...]onary defines respectable as "worthy or deserving of respect by reason of some inherent quality or qualities" or alternatively "of good or fair social standing and having the moral[...]ity is defined as "the state quality or condition of being respectable in point of character or social standing". Respectability must be seen in the context of what the particular qualities of character or social standing were at any particul[...]ary between social groups at anyone time and also of course over time as well. The point being that th[...]were these "inherent qualities" during the period of squatting? There has been clear agreement by historians that there is a distinct set of "Victorian values" that relate in a large way to[...]utlined. 4 This leads to a rather ill defined set of values, often talked about by historians but rare[...]tudy outlined what he termed the Victorian "Frame of Mind" which remains the only attempt to establish[...]rian values were. Asa Briggs notes 'the key words of the times were thought, work and progress' (1963: 1). Later Briggs stressed that the concept of work was at the very core of Victorian values, "not just work in the factory .[...]71: 135). Best, in his discussion on social order of 23Linda Young uses the tenns "gentility" and "genteel" referring to the qualities of both breeding and birth that are of course part of respectability. I have chosen to use respectabili[...]s seems to be due to the absence ofa good history of the middle class. If Victorian society is seen as[...]een the spheres. 25For all the recent discussion of Victorian values in the British literature you wo[...]990, Walvin 1987) have been focused on a critique of Mrs Thatcher's conception of Victorian values. Characteristically her statement of what Victorian values are, is much more concrete that those of the historians. |
| [...]387 mid-Victorian Britain sees the values of deference and social hierarchy as vertically integrating society while concepts or values of respectability and independence were seen as creating divisions across levels of society. The value of independence wa seen as being reliant on yourself[...]a communist state (!) and encompassed the values of both being a good person and a pillar of society (1971 :260). Young notes that Evangelist[...]were transformed or secularised into the concept of respectability a standard held it seems in common[...]nsus. They included sobriety, thrift, cleanliness of person and tidiness of home, good manners, respect for the law, honesty[...]" (Altick 1973: 175). With this could go a degree of seriousness and earnestness that if pushed too far could result in the negation of these virtues so that ideals held could be seen a[...]drawing, like Houghton, on the literary depiction of gentlemen and gentry identified four types of gentlemen each with their own set of values, the officer and gentleman; the scholar an[...]982: 13). Mason traces the history ofthe meanings of the concept of the "gentleman" from the time of Chaucer to the plucky death of Captain Oates in 1913. Mason points out that the concept of the gentleman and the values that went with it we[...]t rather as a sea anemone will adopt a new source of food and adapt its digestive system to deal with it" (1982:12). One of the conditions of respectability for the upper and in particular the emerging middle class was conformance to the "cult of domesticity", a fundamental ideal of the Victorian age. The cult of domesticity is short hand for the convergence of a number of Victorian values and their incorporation in a whole way of life. Domesticity was one of the core aspects of life in the Victorian era and to be considered re[...]tions and networks that could challenge the world of rank and land. For many of the middle class it was the challenge based on religious grounds where the religious condition of the individual was seen as the mark of gentility, or respectability (1987:73). The Evan[...]sponse to the social dislocation and rapid change of the period from 1770 onwards. "Religious belief g[...]:77). The first Anglican Evangelists were members of the Church of England who believed in reforming the church and |
| [...]nnah Moore. The Clapham set were from backgrounds of the middle class or upper class who were faced wi[...]elical struggle over anti-slavery and over refonn of manners and morals, a new vision of the nation, of political power and of family life was fonned ' (Hall 1979: 15). In refo[...]morality Evangelism aimed to provide a new model of life that replaced licentiousness and immorality[...]and respectability based on the day to day living of Christian ideals (Hall 1979: 16). This was based on the individuals awareness of their own weakness and inadequacy and the need fo[...]as well as protected her natural characteristics of delicacy, fragility and moral weakness from the o[...]the 1780s attacking slavery and the moral laxity of the upper classes. The French Revolution forced t[...]l revolutionaries but also by refonning the state of England. Evangelism was important because it's me[...]also helped bridge the capitalist transfonnation of England from a society of landed gentry to a society of emerging industrial bourgeoisie. Balanced agains[...]Prince Regent, (later George IV) and the epitome of all dandies "Beau Brummell", Regency England was "an attempt on the part of the wastrel aristocracy and a wntingent of imitative commons to revive the elegance of Eighteenth Century fashionable life in a moral atmosphere reminiscent of the Restoration" (Altick 1973 :9; see also Sales[...]ife ofthe Regency Dandies was an important target of Evangelist critiques. Evangelists along with oth[...]in the natural difference and complementary roles of men and women which had been particularly linked to Evangelism had become the common sense of the English middle class (1987: 149, this is reflected in Houghton 1957). Bradley notes that the adoption of the Evangelist model of behaviour by the middle class "was very largely responsible for creating the cult of respectability and confonnity which charac[...] |
| [...]389 of the Evangelist critique can be seen quite strongly in the early years of the Nineteenth Century. For example, in reading Longford's biography of the Duke of Wellington we read of his concern, embarrassment and despair of the activities of the Tory Government, with numerous duels and scan[...]ing desire to be "useful" and shows the influence of the writings of Hannah Moore. Various readers of Jane Austen have also sought to claim Evangelist[...]making a more general, less Evangelistic critique of her times (1994). Davidoff and Hall use the example of the Queen Caroline affair to argue the strength of the ideals of domestic virtues. In this case where King George IV, a noted womaniser and leader of Regency Dandyism, sought to divorce his wife Queen Caroline. The defence of Queen Caroline drew on the image of her as "dependant womanhood" needing to be protec[...]air demonstrates how power was justified in terms of virtue emanating from the Evangelists domestic id[...]estic virtues. As Briggs has noted for the period of the Great Exhibition (1851) "the Queen and Prince Consort were providing a golden model of respectability and happy family life. The ideals ofthe court were in conformity with those of the middle class rather that those of the older aristocracy" (Briggs 1963 :20). Davidoff and Hall note that the doctrine of separate spheres as the key to dome~tic ideology26 (1983, 1987). They argue that Evangelical notions of separate spheres and duties of those within them, is translated into domesticity through the literature of advice books, sermons and tracts which were commo[...]iastically read (1987:75, 149-192). The doctrine of separate spheres referred to the division of society into public and private life. Public life included the world of paid work, of politics and of men. Private life was the world of women, children and servants and was concerned with the creation and management of the home. Men of course could occupy the private sphere as well as the public indeed one purpose of the private sphere was to nurture the man so he c[...]c sphere (Davidoff and Hall 1983). The basic aim of domesticity was to create a home. A home as oppos[...]a house is just a building, empty) was the centre of love and care. As the Registrar General said in the introduction to the Census of 1851: "the possession of an entire house is strongly desired by every Engl[...]ed circle round his family and hearth - the shine of his sorrows, joys and meditations" (Davidoff 1979[...]because it kept "the family" free from the taint of the market place. If commercial considerations we[...]iculated domestic values based on a close reading of middle class 26 moral tracts, diaries and[...] |
| [...]then it would be difficult to maintain the facade of strict sexual divisions and age and sex hierarchi[...]women's role was to create the domestic happiness of the fireside through her management of the home (based on strict order and regularity),[...]d women: promoting general comfort and well being of their families; moulding the minds of the young and improving the general level of manners in society by their influence and duty (1[...]e was the man's external role. The Victorian view of manliness was based on qualities of physical courage, chivalric ideals, virtuous fort[...]es the character as being "the noblest possession of man, constituting rank in itself, an estate in ge[...]y" (1908:449). Later he notes "You may admire men of intellect, but something more is necessary before[...]lness, integrity and goodness... form the essence of manly character" (1908:452). Vance, in "The Sinews ofthe Spirif', gives a comprehensive discussion of the qualities of physical manliness, chivalry and moral manliness that form the Victorian quality of manliness. There was a long tradition of physical exercise in the fresh air. This took the form of various organised activities that occurred across[...]the early Nineteenth Century often roused the ire of respectable public opinion. The Evangelicals of course did not see such activities as "serious", rather it was a waste of valuable time and potentially morally dangerous ([...]lry again had a long history and was the preserve of the upper class who were mercilessly poked fun at[...]such as Charles Kingsley. Thus it was the virtues of chivalry such as personal honour and public duty that were extolled. Moral manliness is representative of Christ and Christian beliefs in terms of manly analogies ("fight the good fight with all your might") and the emphasis of Christ's manliness. The Christian manliness becam[...]lar Christianity and is associated with the works of Charles Kingsley and Thomas Hughes. Muscular |
| [...]391 Christianity promoted the ideals of physical strength, courage and health, the importance of family life, elements of duty and service to mankind and the study of the natural world to discover the divine pattern of the moral universe (see Richards 1987: 102-1 03).[...]served as the launching point for the development of the sporting cult of the last decades of the Nineteenth Century where manliness became defmed by sporting ability and fair playing. The concept of separate spheres, and Davidoff and Hall's discussion of it in Family Fortunes (1987), has been critiqued by Vickery (1993). Vickery's main comment of relevance to this question, is that the sources t[...]'s critique is important for raising the question of whether the doctrine of separate spheres should be taken as a given of the Nineteenth Century however she offers no evid[...]nd time soaking up the manners and methods of the lifestyle. Since this usually disbarred first[...]n had to be prepared for entrance by means of an acceptable education and marriage into the eli[...]through the ranks depending upon a variety of considerations include land ownership, state serv[...]1986:3). Historians have pointed to the adoption of respectable values by the middle and lower classe[...]ing origins, although becoming less so at the end of the Nineteenth Century. The openness of the upper elite was seen as one way of avoiding the consequences of the social disruption of the Industrial Revolution. In fact, the Victorian[...]per classes (see Gunn 1988). However, the reality of the openness of the upper class is a matter for historical[...] |
| [...]392 of the industrial spirit through gentrification" the[...]ntly respectable. In considering the application of notions of respectability based on studies of "Victorian society' it is important to consider w[...]tralian situation. Firstly, studies such as those of Davidoff which have been drawn on heavily in this[...]England, yet the squatters came from other parts of the United Kingdom, especially Scotland as well as some sprinklings of the Irish. There was also the "continental" influ[...]e is likely to be some variation in the specifics of behaviour especially in the context of "Colonial Society". The continual flow of cultural information from the United Kingdom in the form of letters and newspapers served to transmit the mores of respectability. Atkinson has sketched the postal[...]1829 and 1847 (Atkinson 1979A). He saw the growth of the postal service as being one ofthe overall factors in the growth of the squatting economy. Importantly the mail inclu[...]s were sent inland from Sydney with about a third of these being from overseas (1979A:22). One also must consider that the velocity of the flow of information increased over time with the introduction of faster ships28, the telegraph, the Suez route to[...]ch as the railway and telegraph. The development of the advice book in the Nineteenth Century provided another source of information on fashion and domesticity. Architectural historians have pointed to the role of advice books as sources for the design of various buildings (Broadbent 1976; Morris 1995).[...]chitectural blueprints, they were linked to a set of Victorian values that the architecture embodied.[...]hey were important vehicles for the dissemination of aesthetic attitudes" (1976:65). Interestingly Bro[...]sie, built as a retreat from the city in the face of the difficulties of his work as a typical example of domesticity. While Broadbent focuses on the source of the aesthetic for the building and its setting, at heart is the domestic value of the home as a retreat from work. In another example of the use of advice manuals Mary Turner Shaw details the use of Robert Kerr's The Gentleman's House ... by her an[...]ad at Wooriwyrite in 1885 despite the involvement of the architect Alexander Hamilton (Shaw 1969:146-1[...]to 80 days. More importantly was the introduction of the "packet" type service with ships leaving at s[...]1872. 29 Based on the annotations in Shaw's copy of Kerr. |
| [...]393 Finally there was the continual flow of immigrants to Australia not to mention the cyclical transmission of Government officials (notably the Governors - the head of society). Finally there are the tourists both tho[...]ome" visiting Australia. The most notable example of the latter being the Duke of Edinburgh. It is in the transmission of culture in person that the subtleties of respectability and gentility are transmitted. Actors in the model society of "home" can pass on and critique the performances of actors in Australia, indeed critiques of Australian manners is a familiar literary form.[...]ion, this was quickly demonstrated by the refusal of the Marines to guard the convicts at Port Jackson! Moreover with the pardoning of convicts and the expiration of convict sentences, the simple two-caste society ([...]oped into a complex society where the basic lines of division were convict/free but where there were degrees on the convict stain and divisions of rank within the free. Naturally the success of the convict entrepreneurs posed a particular problem. As Hirst notes "by the end of Macquarie's governorship the ex-convicts had earned well over halfthe wealth of the colony and were masters of the same proportion of the convicts" (Hirst 1983:81). The wealth of the convict entrepreneurs placed them often on a[...]the free settlers had possessed all the qualities of the traditional English gentleman, the wealthy ex[...]. Connell and Irving (1980) discuss the formation of a colonial gentry which emerges in the period 181[...]clusives or gentry ran through the upper echelons of society in NSW and caused considerable social and[...]business men in The Rocks. She notes the signing of petitions by Rocks people in 1819 and 1821 where[...]they did not take on the distinctive codes of a "genteel" moral and cultural behaviour adopted[...]the emergent middle class in England. Ideas of internalised self- control and an self- imp[...]vangelical Protestantism, the romantic view of Nature, the separation of work and home and the shunning of all alcohol[...] |
| [...]394 all remained absent from the lives of the long-settled, property owning emancipists of the Rocks. They defined their respectability not by indicators of inner morality, but by outward signs: the settled[...]s" respectable people conform more to the notions of regency morality rather than the Victorian model of behaviour (1997:229-223). From this we can see the thread of respectability running through at least the upper[...]en acquired. In Port Phillip in the "golden age" of the l830s to the l840s good society formed a gent[...]ntry. According to de Serville this excluded most of the squatters who were in any case located inland from Melbourne. Later of course, the excluded class, the squattocracy, ros[...]althy but not respectable. David Goodman's study of the Victorian goldfields in the l850s notes that one of the key features of the male society on the goldfields was the freedo[...]east the articulate diggers) from the constraints of a structured society and from domestic constraints and responsibility3o. Goodman paints a picture of a society in Victoria where the effects of gold were criticized in terms of the domestic ideology; men saw themselves and their families' happiness in terms of movement to the goldfields and speculation that t[...]ake a fortune. Women saw that it would take a lot of gold to compensate for the loss of domestic happiness (Goodman 1994:151). It is clear from Goodman's discussion that the cult of domesticity was strongly entrenched in Australian[...]eformers and moralists began to work on the ideal of masculinity as freedom and push it (back?) toward[...]oodman 1984: 149-178). In this dialogue the seeds of the selection movement and the so-called "yeoman[...]c ideal as yeoman farmers we can see the workings of respectability on both the squatters and the sele[...]a was measured by adherence or otherwise to a set of values and standards developed in the period from the 1790s to the 1890s called "Victorian Values". Chief of these was the cult of domesticity. "Victorian Values" 30This is a poin[...]quatting period drawing on Ward's classic history of bush life The Australian Legend (Ferry 1999). How[...]d or maintained the domestic ideal from the start of their squatting. |
| [...]rom the United Kingdom and reinforced by the flow of information in the form of letters newspapers, journals and advice guides fr[...]ed in the respectable person and ensured a degree of conformity between "home" and the "colony". It should be noted that in this period the speed of information flow from home to the colonies deceased dramatically with the introduction of "packet service to England, then steam ship servi[...]land. The information flow was linked to the sale of material culture, such as ceramic dining s[...] |
| [...]396 APPE DIX THREE: THE ADMI ISTRATIO OF JUSTICE AT LANYON AND QUEANBEYAN |
| [...]397 A considerable amount of emphasis in the historical discourse on Lanyon ha[...]istrate". This stems from the regular appearances of his assigned convicts at the Queanbeyan Magistrates Court between 1837 and 1840. Wright was also accused of inspecting convicts' backs after flogging and of mismanagement of his convicts. This evidence has been used by Blair and Claoue-Long (1993a & b) to construct a view of Lanyon as a landscape of conflict and captive labour. Thus, it is worth discussing the "Queanbeyan incident" as in doing so something of Wright's status in society can be glimpsed. Wright was one of the earliest people calling for the establishment of a local court, complaining to the Colonial Secret[...]835 that he had had to travel 520 miles in search of a Magistrate to whom he could lay a complaint against one of his servants. Justice in the region was administr[...]Secretary appointed Captain AIured Tasker Faunce of the 4th (Kings Own) Regiment to the position of Police Magistrate at Queanbeyan. Faunce, who was[...]27-28). From the start he was faced with the lack of proper facilities (such as a court house and jail[...]aters affair. These matters created difficulties of the administration ofjustice with prisoners escap[...]officials. Wright who had been appointed Justice of the Peace in 1835, was one of those dissatisfied with the system. So was Terenc[...]other Dr James Murray. T.A. Murray was the leader of the "squatters" in the area and was, like Wright,[...]resulting in an inquiry later that year. The tone of the complaint was similar to that in the Sydney G[...]ir and Claoue-Long do, that it was "Wright's lack of control over his convicts, his repeated resort to official floggings, and the number of convicts who ran away from Lanyon" that pr[...] |
| [...]lmers took part either as witnesses or supporters of either side. This reflects their use of emigrant labour rather than convict, which meant[...]bell did occasionally appear in court. Their lack of involvement may also reflect their social and political distance as members of the colonial "gentry". One of the complaints was that punishment was often remitted or lessened through the corruption of the ex-convict minor officials (eg it was reporte[...]). It is in this context that Wright's inspection of the backs of convicts recently punished must be seen. It is no[...]y one case where this was done. This was the case of Phillip Lee, who had been up on charges of not working and was sentenced to 25 lashes on the[...]I have the honour to report for the information of His Excellency the Governor that it has app[...]d show their backs in order that the extent of laceration might be ascertained, and to request t[...]annot give a general authority for the withdrawal of convict servants in such cases but as the p[...]isgusting and improper, I shall take notice of particular case which (shall?) be brought t[...](State Records of SW 40/939) Shortly after Murray and Wrig[...] |
| [...]ating Faunce, was not proved largely because most of the convicts had escaped from Police custody, whi[...]t: "he was acquainted with Mr Wrights mode of managing his convicts and there was only on[...]in opinion, which point was the examination of the backs of his servants after receiving corporal punishment of which he (Captain Faunce) disapproved. Mr W[...]ng this inspection, which it appears as a Justice of the Peace Wright was entitled to do, Wright trans[...]to witness them" (Hirst 1983:60). In the context of Wright's social position as Assignee or Master, I[...]ng for the prisoner as well. It was almost a case of double jeopardy - a second punishment after the first. Here it is worth considering Dening's discussion of the case of William Bligh another notorious flogger (1993). Dening comments that other Captain's imposition of discipline was a mutual engagement of the punisher and the punished, whereas Bligh's punishment, although lesser in numbers of lashes given than most British Captains in the Pa[...]ed as just and in others it was not, irrespective of the actual number oflashes. With Wright, the inspection of the back was humiliating to the convict and that[...]cking Faunce's position especially in the context of the published allegations against Faunce). Wrigh[...]te and justice was physically applied by officers of the court. The system disassociated the Assignee from the administration of justice. Wright by inspecting the backs re-entered the scheme of things at an inappropriate point by becomi[...] |
| [...]Respectable people avoided the physical realities of flogging (see Hirst 1983 :60). He might have been smarter to get the doctor (although the absence of both the doctor and Police Magistrate in supervising floggings was one of the complaints) or T. A. Murray, in his role as Justice of the Peace, to inspect backs for him. Thus, Wrigh[...]per practice rather than as a tyrant. Examination of the Bench of Magistrates Depositions shows that other settlers[...]31 context of disobedient convicts Wright seems entirely typica[...]ost a year had passed between Wright's inspection of Lees back and the Faunce complaint. Was Faunce mo[...]right is revealed by this incident to be a person of obvious social status (otherwise he would not have been a Justice of the Peace) but whose respectability might be seen[...]" as an understatement, however Mowle was writing of a period eight years later and he was not a Justice of the Peace in 1840. |
MD | |
| University of Sydney | |
| <p>Type of report: Thesis/Student paper. Work underta[...] | |
| [...]l.library.usyd.edu.au July 2021 under supervision of Jennifer Stanton, Manager, Digital Collections | |
| [...]able in DSpace on 2012-05-14T05:00:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1Stuart1999SquattingLandscapes[...] | |
| [...]igitised and made available on open access by the University of Sydney, Department of Archaeology and Sydney eScholarship. It may only be used for the purposes of research and study. Where possible, the Department will try to notify the author of this work. If you have any inquiries or is[...] | |
| rights: The author(s) retain copyright of this work | |
Stuart I., Squatting Landscapes in South-Eastern Australia (1820-1895). [PhD Thesis] (1999), [https://doi.org/10.4227/11/5045A2C5BCD22
doi:10.4227/11/5045A2C5BCD22]. University of Sydney Library, accessed 05/04/2026, https://digital.library.sydney.edu.au/nodes/view/9632